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The Ominous Parallels

Leonard Peikoff

The Ominous Parallels Leonard Peikoff Amazon Price: $12.24
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Total reviews: 51 Average rating: 4.0 of 5

Bad Ideas have Bad Consequences 5 out of 5 stars.
1 of 2 people found this review helpful.

Ayn Rand's legal and intellectual heir, Dr. Leonard Peikoff's book seeks to explain what led to one of the most advanced nations in the developed world embrace the monstrous doctrines of Nazism as official, legal and politically popular policy? Popular theses suggest that the Treaty of Versailles left the Germans in a state of poverty and desperation, which led to the rise of Nazi Germany. Dr. Peikoff rejects this thesis and argues that the reason why Nazism arose in Germany is primarily due to the pervasive, anti-life ideologies openly embraced in German culture at that time. Such malevolent ideas include:

* Rejection of reason as a means to moral, economic and scientific knowledge.
* Everyone's highest duty is to serve the state.
* Everyone must sacrifice his own values for "greater", state-approved causes.
* Rejecting individualism in favor of group think and assimilation.

The second part of the book contains an extensive number of quotes from Hitler, Himmler, Goebbels and Goering as well as detailed factual accounts of Nazi policy, Nazi propaganda, Nazi education, concentration camps and the like to corroborate his claims.

The last few chapters of the book are more controversial, since these are where Dr. Peikoff elucidates the "ominous parallels" between the intellectual trends of Weimar (pre-Nazi) Germany and the U.S. at the time of this books original publication (1982). Although many perceive these parallels to be hyperbolic, there are many contemporary political analysts, both on the Left and the Right, who perceive that the U.S. is careening towards fascism in some aspect. For example, from the Left, there are accusations that the Religious Right is bringing the U.S. towards fascism, such as in Chris Hedges' American Fascists: The Christian Right and the War on America. Similarly, from the Right, there are accusations that the increase in economic controls is bringing the U.S. closer towards fascism, such as in Jonah Goldberg's Liberal Fascism: The Secret History of the American Left.

Note that in the Ominious Parallels, Dr. Peikoff identifies that the political left in Weimar Germany wanted increased control over property and that the political right wanted increased control over the mind. Hitler, deciding that both camps are correct, compromised by imposing total control. The parallels described in Ominous Parallels are not as inconceivable as many suggest.

Before reading this book, I recommend knowing a little bit about the history of Hitler's rise to power. Reading the pertinent Wikipedia articles should be sufficient. In addition, I recommend familiarizing yourself with the ideas of the major continental philosophers such as Kant, Hegel, Nietzsche and Heidegger. Explaining Postmodernism by Stephen Hicks, is excellent source for this.

Leviathan: With Selected Variants from the Latin Edition of 1668

Thomas Hobbes

Leviathan: With Selected Variants from the Latin Edition of 1668 Thomas Hobbes Amazon Price: $12.55
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Total reviews: 5 Average rating: 5.0 of 5

Excellent edition 5 out of 5 stars.
27 of 27 people found this review helpful.

There are lots of editions of Leviathan around, so why buy this one? The things the editor, Ed Curely, has done to make this edition accessible yet scholarly, like:

1. Updated spelling and punctuation. Although I personally miss Hobbes' original spelling (see the Penguin edition for that), as a teacher I appreciate Ed's making it easier for beginners to read Hobbes' words.

2. Index. Most editions do not have one.

3. Glossary. Hobbes used many terms that are now archaic, and Ed's brief but clear glossary helps clarify the text.

4. Ed's Introduction. Curley is one of the most careful and knowledgeable commentators out there, and he briefly but expertly introduces some of the major themes of the book.

5. Latin variants. Hobbes wrote Leviathan in English and in Latin, and there are some interesting differences between the two versions. Ed presents many of these in the footnotes, plus he includes English translations of the Appendices of the Latin version.

Editorial Review:

This new edition of Hobbe's masterpiece is uniquely suited to meet the needs of both student and scholar. It offers a brilliant introduction by Edwin Curley, modernised spelling and punctuation of the text, and a key annotative feature found in no other edition: the inclusion, along with historical and interpretive notes, of the most significant variants between the English version of 1651 and the Latin version of 1668. A glossary of seventeenth century English terms and indexes of persons, subjects, and scriptural passages help make this the most thoughtfully conceived edition of Leviathan available.

Philosophy and Real Politics

Raymond Geuss

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Editorial Review:

Many contemporary political thinkers are gripped by the belief that their task is to develop an ideal theory of rights or justice for guiding and judging political actions. But in Philosophy and Real Politics, Raymond Geuss argues that philosophers should first try to understand why real political actors behave as they actually do. Far from being applied ethics, politics is a skill that allows people to survive and pursue their goals. To understand politics is to understand the powers, motives, and concepts that people have and that shape how they deal with the problems they face in their particular historical situations.

Philosophy and Real Politics both outlines a historically oriented, realistic political philosophy and criticizes liberal political philosophies based on abstract conceptions of rights and justice. The book is a trenchant critique of established ways of thought and a provocative call for change.

Who Sings the Nation-State?: Language, Politics, Belonging

Judith Butler, Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak

Who Sings the Nation-State?: Language, Politics, Belonging Judith Butler, Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak Amazon Price: $13.57
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Customer Reviews:
Total reviews: 4 Average rating: 2.0 of 5

Simulacra Scholarship 2 out of 5 stars.
100 of 108 people found this review helpful.

It is surely a reflection of the demand for the Latest on globalization and the nation-state from highly commodified theorists that this super-slender hardcover volume (with approx. 120 words per page) hit a sales rank consistently below 5,000 on Amazon.com for weeks prior to its release. The scandal is that neither Butler nor Spivak have an in-depth knowledge of globalization or nationalism, but their comments and sound-bytes will soon be the most widely cited on these topics. Their iconic status as all-purpose references is built on a simulacra of scholarship that depends on two factors: 1) an audience that is unwilling to do the in-depth reading to understand globalization but wants sound-bytes to stay current and relevant and 2) the license granted to some celebrity scholars to comment on subjects well beyond their expertise.

Butler comes up with the astonishing claim (p. 13) that hardly anyone writes about statelessness in the social sciences now (what has she been reading?!); and Spivak tops this with her declaration (p. 87) that "the European constitution is an economic document" (what happened to the articles on secularism, militarism, and human rights). In a revealing exchange, when Butler asks Spivak to clarify what she means by critical regionalism, Spivak careens from Evo Morales to East Asia to South Asia to Habermas, to undocumented workers in the United States, to Iran, to NATO, to Russia in 5 pages to make the wafer-thin conclusion: "It [critical regionalism] goes under and over nationalisms but keeps the abstract structures of something like a state." No other scholar would be allowed to hang an argument on this flimsy peg, but she can and does. Spivak dodges every call to define her terms or offer a sustained argument. Along the way, she tosses up terms like "critical regionalism" "sustainable exploitation" (when has exploitation not tried to be sustainable) which will soon be the buzzwords of the moment. Needless to say, there is a large body of work produced about the refigured regionalisms in Latin America, Asia, and Africa (often by scholars working in institutions in these regions) that makes Spivak seem superficial and glib. Indeed, the argument for regional human rights instruments has been made at least since the First World Conference on Human Rights in 1993, but of course this becomes citable only when it comes from a Spivak. The irony is that in humanities departments, it will be the Spivakisms that will circulate, while the other work will be strenuously ignored. To think that it was Spivak who first charged her interlocutors with "sanctioned ignorance."

Editorial Review:

In a world of migration and shifting allegiances--the state is a more provisional place and its inhabitants more stateless. What is contained in a state has become ever more plural while the boundaries of a state have become ever more fluid. No longer does a state naturally come with a nation.
This book is set in the form of a conversation between two renowned thinkers, Judith Butler and Gayatri Spivak, who discuss the fact that globalization has made things like national anthems and political boundaries obsolete. The result is a spirited and engaging conversation that ranges widely across Palestine, what Enlightenment and key contemporary philosophers have said about the state, who exercises power in today's world, whether we can have a right to rights, and even what the singing of "The Star Spangled Banner" in Spanish says about the complex world we live in today.

Freedom Evolves

Daniel C. Dennett

Freedom Evolves Daniel C. Dennett By: Allen Lane
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Total reviews: 42 Average rating: 4.0 of 5

Compatibilism Defended Weakly 3 out of 5 stars.
0 of 0 people found this review helpful.

For the last part of this book, all the author seems to need is free will. I think we can all accept that (except, perhaps, for a few dreary philosophers with little or no influence). This book may make a real contribution in describing how free will evolved and evolves.

The first part of the book is devoted to an attempt to demonstrate that determinism and free will are compatible. This part is confusing and, I believe, confused. At one point he claims that the "prime mammal" argument is analogous to the "long causal chain" argument of hard determinists and that the same fallacy applies to both. This is crap. The arguments are not analogous and the "prime mammal" fallacy does not apply to the "long causal chain" argument.

Earlier the book attempts to explain how the evolution of avoiders could occur in Conway's game of Life. I don't see immediately how replicating Life objects acquire an interest in self preservation and the propagation of the "species," which I think are essential in Darwinian evolution, nor do I see how competitions, also required, arise. This may be a flaw in my own thinking - I'm not sure.

Dennett is very imaginative and there are many instructive areas of the book, regardless of whether or not you are willing to accept every argument he makes.

My own view is that for operational purposes (living in this world) free will is evident.

Determinism, on the other hand, is not evident. Debates and discussions determinism are futile exercises. The only purpose I see for them is to entertain philosophers (which might actually be useful in the sense that it occupies their time and therefore limits their ability to do damage by propagating some crazy ideology into the political arena).

Incidentally, if there were determinism and if there were no free will, philosophers sometimes worry about accountability. "How could we hold him responsible for murdering that woman?" This is an out-of-bounds concern. Under these conditions, holding people accountable, or not, would be part of what is determined.

Minima Moralia: Reflections on a Damaged Life (Radical Thinkers) (Radical Thinkers)

Theodor Adorno

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Customer Reviews:
Total reviews: 14 Average rating: 4.5 of 5

a damp, dark mine of of thought, with a few sparkling gems 3 out of 5 stars.
12 of 13 people found this review helpful.

Adorno is a sort of Nabokov of the armchair left: elitist, haughty, immaculately cultured, cynical and despairing, and capable of penetrating aphorisms and sparkling metaphors.

This collection of brief meditations on life and culture under late capitalism is maddening, provocative, illuminating, opaque, invigorating, and dour-- and often all of these on the same page.

Adorno is a writer capable of keen insights and exquisite turns of phrase, and the book contains a half dozen aphorisms that will stay with me. But reading Adorno fruitfully requires a lot of prereading: references to Hegel, Marx, Freud, Nietzche, Goethe and lesser figures of German philosophy and literature are tossed around with little hand-holding. In the end, his arcane cultural references and dour, despairing worldview cast doubts in my mind whether his books are worth the trouble.

His insights into the more subtle mechanisms of domination and comformity that pervade our society are important, but are rendered with greater clarity by writers such as Gramsci, Reich, P. Goodman, Debord, Chomsky, Marcuse, and Postman, writers who align themselves more closely with social struggles to resist these forms of oppression and thus have a more measured, hopeful view of the possibilities for reconstituting society along humane lines.

Ultimately, Adorno offers no way out of the morass, only criticism of those who seek it. His outlook of despair and non-involvement serves only to justify his elitist, impotent musings on esthetics and philosophy, and offers little instruction for resistance. Perhaps this is why his writings are so avidly championed in graduate programs in the humanities. His followers would do well to take heed of the warning Adorno himself ran afoul of:

"He who stands aloof runs the risk of believing himself better than others and misusing his critique of society as an ideology for his private interest." (MM 6)

Editorial Review:

A reflection on everyday existence in the 'sphere of consumption of late Capitalism', this work is Adorno's literary and philosophical masterpiece.

On Revolution (Penguin Classics)

Hannah Arendt

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Total reviews: 4 Average rating: 5.0 of 5

Brilliant 5 out of 5 stars.
90 of 94 people found this review helpful.

This book is yet another deep, original and controversial contribution of Hannah Arendt to twentieth century political theory. In this book, Arendt analyzes the phenomenon of revolution by focusing almost exclusively on the great XVIIIth century revolutions, the American and the French. Arendt's deep insights allow her to compare, both on a theoretical and a practical level, the similarities and differences between the two and on how and why the American Revolution allowed the foundation of freedom while the French failed miserably in this attempt almost from the beginning. The great themes in this book are the social question (necessity) in its relation to politics (the realm of freedom) and the ever-present distinction between liberation and freedom properly speaking. Thus, constitutions and their significance, the problem of secular law in relation to its need for an Absolute with which to provide a foundation for it, the problem of hypocrisy and Robespierre's Terror, and insightful interpretations of some of the Founding Fathers' political thought (though in my opinion a bit too far reaching in her inferences thereof), are all issues with which she deals with in this book and which are rounded up in a great closing chapter. Deep, powerful, perceptive, intense: like most of Arendt's writings, a must read for anyone interested in political thought and theory.

Editorial Review:

Tracing the gradual evolution of revolutions since the American and French examples, Arendt predicts the changing relationship between war and revolution and the crucial role such combustive movements will play in the future of international relations.

Manifesto: Three Classic Essays on How to Change the World

Ernesto Che Guevara, Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels, Rosa Luxemburg

Manifesto: Three Classic Essays on How to Change the World Ernesto Che Guevara, Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels, Rosa Luxemburg Amazon Price: $10.85
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All three writings share in common a revolutionary spark 5 out of 5 stars.
14 of 20 people found this review helpful.

Manifesto: Three Classic Essays On How To Change The World collects "The Communist Manifesto" by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, "Reform or Revolution" by Rosa Luxemburg, and "Socialism and Man in Cuba" by Ernesto Che Guevara. All three writings share in common a revolutionary spark; here are ideas that transformed the world, with repercussions resonating to the modern day and beyond. A preface, introduction, and brief notes on the contributors round out this vital collection concerning political power, social consciousness, and the need for societal transformation, especially recommended for library and educational reference shelves.

Editorial Review:

"Let's be realists, let's dream the impossible." Che Guevara's words summarize the radical vision of the four famous rebels presented in this book: Marx and Engels' Communist Manifesto, Rosa Luxemburg's Reform or Revolution and Che Guevara's Socialism and Humanity. Far from being lifeless historical documents, these manifestos for revolution will resonate with a new generation also seeking a better world.

"The world described by Marx and Engels . . . is recognizably the world we live in 150 years later."-Eric Hobsbawm

"Rosa Luxemburg was a brilliant, brave and independent woman, passionately internationalist and antiwar, a believer in the people's spontaneity' in the cause of freedom; a woman who saw herself as Marx's philosophical heir."-Adrienne Rich

Spheres Of Justice: A Defense Of Pluralism And Equality

Michael Walzer

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Total reviews: 7 Average rating: 4.5 of 5

The other shoe never drops 2 out of 5 stars.
32 of 33 people found this review helpful.

Before critiquing this book, Mr. Walzer should be given some credit. He manages to make a good argument for pluralism, equality, and the like, and avoids the deus ex machina thought experiments a la Rawls (with "original positions") or the like. For that, Mr. Walzer should be thanked.

Now for the problems. Walzer, author of "Just and Unjust Wars" and "On Toleration" (among many others), is trying to defend a certain order of society where differences can be accepted and equality may be ensured. But Walzer's arguments suffer from a major problem - his starting point(s) are left undefended, and indeed sometimes even undefined. The key to his system is "shared meanings," an idea that he has used in other works (like "Just and Unjust Wars" [J&UW]) under various names. What these shared meanings are, Walzer generally avoids saying directly. As he mentioned in J&UW, Walzer tends to avoid the more complex questions of the foundations for morality and the like - he tends, in practice anyway, to be an antifoundationalist. This presents a problem - he gives the reader all these beautifully reasoned arguments for his idea of society, but always leaves the starting-point out. As such, it is hard to make much of his argument, if you may find yourself in disagreement with his elusive first principles.

Walzer argues that he's starting with "shared meanings," and just following out logically what that entails. In practice, this results in a social democratic, left-oriented society. Fine. But one feels a sleight-of-hand is being played. The "shared meanings" are rather vague. Moreover, "shared" by whom? While Walzer gives some discussion to this, the question lingers. Shared by all those in Western society? By those in only one country? By those in one class? By those on the editorial board of "Dissent" magazine? The reader may find that s/he is locked into the "logical result" of premises that were unknown in the beginning.

Having written all that, this is a very important book in political thoery/philosophy. If those are areas you are interested in, you should read this book. While well-argued, I find it less than compelling (for the reasons discussed above). I could be wrong. Read and decide for yourself.

Editorial Review:

The distinguished political philosopher and author of the widely acclaimed Just and Unjust Wars analyzes how society distributes not just wealth and power but other social “goods” like honor, education, work, free time—even love.

The Chomsky-Foucault Debate: On Human Nature

Noam Chomsky, Michel Foucault

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Total reviews: 5 Average rating: 5.0 of 5

Editorial Review:

Two of the twentieth century's most influential thinkers debate a perennial question.

In 1971, at the height of the Vietnam War and at a time of great political and social instability, two of the world's leading intellectuals, Noam Chomsky and Michel Foucault, were invited by Dutch philosopher Fons Edlers to debate an age-old question: is there such a thing as "innate" human nature independent of our experiences and external influences?

The resulting dialogue is one of the most original, provocative, and spontaneous exchanges to have occurred between contemporary philosophers, and above all serves as a concise introduction to their basic theories. What begins as a philosophical argument rooted in linguistics (Chomsky) and the theory of knowledge (Foucault), soon evolves into a broader discussion encompassing a wide range of topics, from science, history, and behaviorism to creativity, freedom, and the struggle for justice in the realm of politics.

In addition to the debate itself, this volume features a newly written introduction by noted Foucault scholar John Rajchman and includes additional text by Noam Chomsky.

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