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Letters to a Young Conservative

Dinesh D'Souza

Letters to a Young Conservative Dinesh D'Souza List Price: $22.00
By: Basic Books
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Total reviews: 86 Average rating: 4.0 of 5

A pleasant introduction to the conservative worldview 5 out of 5 stars.
1 of 1 people found this review helpful.

In 30 short chapters (the book is 220 pages) D'Souza takes us on a whirlwind tour of the worldview of the conservative. Because of the brief treatment each subject receives, he cannot approach a thorough defense of any of them. Nevertheless, by the end a coherent picture emerges and he concludes by offering a reading list that should more fully satisfy the appetite he was only able to whet.

In an historical overview we learn that both conservatism and modern liberalism have their roots in classical liberalism with its emphasis on freedom for the individual. But with the changes brought about in the 1930's under FDR and in the 1960's "liberation" movement, the two have diverged to the point that they really stand opposed to one another. They have a fundamental difference in their understanding of human nature.

Liberals, following Rousseau, believe we are basically good, that human nature is malleable if only we apply the right social engineering. Conflicts in the world are not seen in terms of good versus evil, but as misunderstandings. Society at large, and not individuals themselves, are to blame for bad situations such as crime and poverty. Absolute autonomy and personal subjective relativism are the twin dogmas of modern liberalism.

Conservatives, on the other hand, believe in an external, objective moral order. Terms such as good and evil refer to this moral order and thus are not inventions of the human mind. A less sunny diagnosis of human nature leads to a greater emphasis on individual responsibility since conservatives are more realistic about what we are capable of and therefore cannot deflect the blame like liberals do. It also allows for a recognition that some regimes in the world are actually evil, so force, not dialogue, may be necessary in dealing with them. While personal autonomy is important to some degree for the conservative, he finds he must balance this autonomy with duty and virtue which he recognizes from the objective moral order.

D'Souza's discussion of multiculturalism was a particularly interesting example of the clash of worldviews. He distinguishes between authentic and "bogus" multiculturalism, the former referring to a proper recognition of living in a multiracial society, but the latter referring to a leftist political ideology. A case can be made for attempting to balance university curricula to include more great books from the non-Western world. However, "it is impossible to understand multiculturalism in America without realizing that it arises from the powerful conviction that bigotry and oppression define Western civilization in general and American in particular." Consequently representative literary works from other cultures are rejected because they reflect the same bigotry and discrimination that the West is accused of. Instead marginal works are selected, ones which do not reflect their culture but do speak of victimization and oppression. So it is called bogus multiculturalism because "it views non-Western cultures through the ideological lens of Western leftist politics." True multiculturalism, in contrast, would teach the greatest works of Western and non-Western cultures. Its goal would be to study, in the words of Matthew Arnold, "the best that has been thought and said."

Liberal judicial activism also comes under fire for undermining the democratic process by imposing the left wing ideology of the judiciary on the American people. Conservatives, on the other hand, insist that in a democratic society, the people make the laws and the judges apply them. Liberals generally feel that "judges should have the power to make a ruling that specifically contravenes the Constitution and also goes against the wishes of the American people." One egregious example of liberal judicial activism is the so-called "right to privacy" that the Supreme Court found in the Constitution on which to base the legalization of abortion: this right was not found but fabricated.

Conservatives are generally pro-life while liberals are almost certainly pro-choice. In fact, being pro-choice is a litmus test for liberals hoping to have any success in politics, because it is here that personal autonomy, one of the two dogmas of liberalism, is most put to the test. Conservatives are pro-life because their less radical insistence on personal autonomy can be tempered by the overriding concern for another human being's right to life. Initially I disagreed with D'Souza's pro-life strategy. He calls hard line pro-lifers "fools" because their insistence on preventing all abortions will, in his opinion, have the result of preventing none. The reason is that the prolife movement does not enjoy the support of the American people that it would need to achieve this. Instead, he says we should focus on reducing the number of abortions as a step toward the ultimate goal of ending it. He reminds us of the strategy employed by Abraham Lincoln with the slavery issue. Although antislavery, Lincoln was not an abolitionist but instead worked toward curtailing the spread of slavery to the territories. During the Civil War, the outcome of the war was very much in question and Lincoln did not want the border states, which did have slaves, to also secede from the Union. So he carefully framed his case against the Confederacy not as one of slavery but as one of saving the Union. In this way his coalition was maintained, "a coalition whose victory was essential to the cause of antislavery." I find D'Souza's reasoning intriquing, and wonder if the pro-life movement might have more success by thinking along those lines.

Of all the chapters in the book, the one I am wary of is the one dealing with the environment. The title of the chapter, "Who cares about the snail darter?" raised a red flag from the start. His cavalier playing down of global warming concerns me. I am also not convinced by his dismissal of organic farming as inefficient, in favour of high-yield farming, assisted by bio-engineering and pesticides. He does claim that conservatives are concerned with the environment, admitting that "the stewardship of nature is now a human responsibility." He would, however, distinguish this reasonable concern with the liberal environmentalists, who "tend to operate in perpetual alarmist mode." He believes that they are opposing the solutions that have the greatest chance to work, solutions arising from growth, affluence, and technology.

D'Souza has given us an easy to read, informative overview of the terrain on which the conservative/liberal ideological battles are fought. Even a conservative doesn't have to agree with all his points to gain much from this valuable contribution.

Editorial Review:

Among the topics Dinesh D'Souza covers in Letters to a Young Conservative:--Fighting Political Correctness--Authentic vs. Bogus Multiculturalism--Why Government Is the Problem--When the Rich Get Richer--How Affirmative Action Hurts Blacks--The Feminist Mistake--All the News That Fits--How to Harpoon a Liberal--The Self-Esteem Hoax--A Republican Realignment?--Why Conservatives Should Be Cheerful

Tocqueville: Democracy in America (Library of America)

Alexis de Tocqueville

Tocqueville: Democracy in America (Library of America) Alexis de Tocqueville Amazon Price: $23.10
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Alexis de Tocqueville, a young aristocratic French lawyer, came to the United States in 1831 to study its penitentiary systems. His nine-month visit and subsequent reading and reflection resulted in Democracy in America (1835–40), a landmark masterpiece of political observation and analysis. Tocqueville vividly describes the unprecedented social equality he found in America and explores its implications for European society in the emerging modern era. His book provides enduring insight into the political consequences of widespread property ownership, the potential dangers to liberty inherent in majority rule, the importance of civil institutions in an individualistic culture dominated by the pursuit of material self-interest, and the vital role of religion in American life, while prophetically probing the deep differences between the free and slave states. The clear, fluid, and vigorous translation by Arthur Goldhammer is the first to fully capture Tocqueville’s achievements both as an accomplished literary stylist and as a profound political thinker.

Second Treatise of Government

John Locke

Second Treatise of Government John Locke By: Barnes & Noble
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Total reviews: 7 Average rating: 5.0 of 5

John Locke's classic in handy format +plus bonus essay 5 out of 5 stars.
34 of 35 people found this review helpful.

In his book, Second Treatise of Government, John Locke (1632 - 1704) writes that all humans are born equal with the same ability to reason for themselves, and because of this, government should have limitations to ensure that people are free from the arbitrary will of another person, according to the laws of nature. Government, in Locke's view, is a social contract between the people in control, and the people who submit to it.

The editor of this edition, C. B. Macpherson, gives a little background and overview in his introduction to this book. He writes that the book "was directed against the principles of Sir Robert Filmer, whose books, asserting the divine authority of kings and denying any right of resistance, were thought by Locke and his fellow Whigs to be too influential among the gentry to be left unchallenged by those who held that resistance to an arbitrary monarch might be justified." (p. viii)
Locke's book served as a philosophical justification for revolting against tyrannical monarchies in the Glorious Revolution and the American Revolution. His book was practically quoted in the Declaration of Independence.

Locke lays out his basis for government on the foundation that people are able to reason. Because of this, people have inherent freedoms or natural rights. Though he believed in reason, Locke was an empiricist, meaning he believed that all knowledge of the world comes from what our senses tell us. The mind starts as a "tabula rasa", latin for an empty slate. As soon as we are born, we immediately begin learning ideas. Thus, all the material for our knowledge of the world comes to us through sensations. Nevertheless, Locke had an unshakable faith in human reason. He believed that people do learn what is right and wrong, regardless of what they choose to do. Locke believed that faith in God, certain moral norms and understanding consequences were inherent in human reason. So, even though people acquire everything they know about the world through the senses, they are able to think for themselves and reason at a higher level about what they learn.

Locke presumed that there are universally recognized principles and that the consequences are practically scientific. He was greatly influenced by Isaac Newton (1647-1727) who wrote The Mathematical Principles of Natural Philosophy. Locke took the ideas that there were "natural laws" in science and tried to extend that to society.

Natural laws, or rights, in Locke's view, are obvious and learned through human reasoning, and apply to everyone. They are also called "self-evident," which appears in The Declaration of Independence. All humans are created equal, and Locke bases this idea on the golden rule, that people are to do to others as they would have others do to them. Natural equality is the basis of the first and most important "natural law" which is to care for one another. (p. 9) Locke believes that with or without government, there were universal natural rights.

Without government, people are unprotected from harm by other people. Where there is no government, people are free to do as they please, even to harm others. In this state, natural laws still apply, such as the right of people to protect themselves and seek reparation for injuries done to them. However, people are naturally inconsistent in executing punishments, because they have a propensity to act out of hate or revenge. Therefore, laws are necessary in a civil society to fairly arbitrate justice. The purpose of creating a civil society is to avoid major conflicts and keep peace.
Thus, civil government is a "contract" between people to regulate their affairs fairly. According to Locke's theories, people enter into a social contract by forming governments that will preserve order.

Locke describes a civil government as being democratic with some checks to ensure that it does not overstep its boundaries, and having both legislative and executive powers. A civil government is democratic or representative, meaning laws are created by the consent of the people through the voice of a majority vote. The legislature should represent the people equally based on population. (Salus populi suprema lex) All people are subject to the law, including the rulers-no one is above the law. Even the legislature needs "standing rules" to keep it from over-stepping its boundaries. Locke advocated the principle of division of powers. Because the legislature only meets at appointed times to create or revise laws, there needs to be an executive power that is constantly enforcing the laws. So Locke describes a division of the legislative and executive powers.

In contrast to what was being claimed by the rulers of the time, Locke taught that the purpose of government is to serve and benefit the people and that it should be controlled by the people for which the government was made. His claim that people have the right to rebel against government was controversial. Second Treatise of Government served as a foundation for future political philosophies.

Editorial Review:

Library of Liberal Arts title.

Cosmopolitanism: Ethics in a World of Strangers (Issues of Our Time)

Kwame Anthony Appiah

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Total reviews: 13 Average rating: 4.5 of 5

Becoming Cosmopolitan 5 out of 5 stars.
14 of 14 people found this review helpful.

One of the most pernicious ideas has spung from the myth that we are necessarily separated and segregated into groups that are defined by criteria like gender, language, race, religion or some other kind of boundary. And it is easy to see that these boundaries are a major cause of conflict.

The author of this enthralling book - Kwame Anthony Appiah - challenges this kind of separative thinking by resurrecting the ancient philosophy of "cosmopolitanism." This school of thought that dates back almost 2500 years to the Cynics of Ancient Greece. They first articulated the cosmopolitan ideal that all human beings were citizens of the world. Later on, these ideas were elaborated by another group of philosophers: the Stoics.

According to Appiah, the influence of cosmopolitanism has stretched down the ages and through to the Enlightenment. He takes Immanuel Kant's notion of a League of Nations and the Declaration of the Rights of Man to be two manifestations of this ancient idea.

Appiah sees cosmopolitanism as a dynamic concept based on two fundamental ideas. First is the idea that we have responsibilities to others that are beyond those based on kinship or citizenship. Second is something often forgotten: just because other people have different customs and beliefs from ours, they will likely still have meaning and value. We may not agree with someone else, but mutual understanding should be a first goal.

The book is full of personal experiences. I doubt that anyone else could have written it: His mother was an English author and daughter of the statesman Sir Stafford Cripps, and his father a Ghanaian barrister and politician, who reminded his children to remember that they were "citizens of the world."

Appiah was educated in Ghana and England and has taught in both countries. He now holds a chair of Philosophy at Princeton. He is no starry eyed idealist, and he knows that differences between groups and nations cannot be wished away or ignored. But he contends, rightly, I think, that differences can be accepted without being allowed to become barriers.

As he says, "Cosmopolitans suppose that all cultures have enough overlap in their vocabulary of values to begin a conversation. But they don't suppose, like some Universalists, that we could all come to agreement if only we had the same vocabulary." The reason is simply this: most of us arrive at our values not on the basis of careful reasoning, but by lifelong conditioning and subjective beliefs and attitudes.

In parts of Europe, there have recently been misgivings about the growing diversity and multiculturalism of countries like the United Kingdom, with people asking whether it is doing no more than fracturing society. Appiah tackles this question head on. He has this to say, "If we want to preserve a wide range of human conditions because it allows free people the best chance to make their own lives, there is no place for the enforcement of diversity by trapping people within a kind of difference that they long to escape. There simply is no decent way to sustain those communities of difference that will not survive without the free allegiance of their members."

Cosmopolitanism, balances our "obligations to others" with the "value not just of human life but of particular human lives," what Appiah calls "universality plus difference." He remains skeptical about simple maxims for ethical behavior such as the Golden Rule. He swiftly demonstrates its failings as a moral precept. He argues that cosmopolitanism is the name not "of the solution but of the challenge."

This is an important book that will inevitably be controversial. In a world that is becoming more interconnected and shrinking by the day, and where the "clash of cultures" threatens our existence, Appiah has many new perspectives as he articulates a precise yet flexible ethical manifesto. He does not claim to have all the answers, but this book should be of interest to all of us as we try to make sense of the turmoil, challenges and opportunities of our globalizing world.

Editorial Review:

"A brilliant and humane philosophy for our confused age."—Samantha Power, author of A Problem from Hell

Kwame Anthony Appiah's landmark new work, featured on the cover of the New York Times Magazine, challenges the separatist doctrines espoused in books like Samuel Huntington's The Clash of Civilizations. Reviving the ancient philosophy of "cosmopolitanism," a school of thought that dates to the Cynics of the fourth century BC, Appiah traces its influence on the ethical legacies of the Enlightenment, the French Revolution, and the UN's Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Raised in Ghana, educated in England, and now a distinguished professor in the United States, Appiah promises to create a new era in which warring factions will finally put aside their supposed ideological differences and will recognize that the fundamental values held by all human beings will usher in a new era of global understanding.

Anarchy State and Utopia

Robert Nozick

Anarchy State and Utopia Robert Nozick List Price: $45.00
By: Wiley-Blackwell
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Total reviews: 34 Average rating: 4.0 of 5

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Robert Nozick's Anarchy, State, and Utopia is a powerful, philosophical challenge to the most widely held political and social positions of our age -- liberal, socialist and conservative.

"Individuals have rights," Nozick writes in his opening sentence, "and there are things no person or group may do to them without violating their rights." The work that follows is a sophisticated and passionate defence of the rights of the individual as opposed to the state.

The author argues that the state is justified only when it is severely limited to the narrow function of protection against force, theft and fraud and to the enforcement of contracts. Any more extensive activities by the state, he demonstrates, will inevitably violate individual rights.

Among the many achievements of the work are an important new theory of distributive justice, a model of utopia, and an integration of ethics, legal philosophy and economic theory into a profound position in political philosophy which will be discussed for years to come.

A Conservative History of the American Left

Daniel J. Flynn

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Total reviews: 6 Average rating: 4.5 of 5

Editorial Review:

From Communes to the Clintons

Why does Hillary Clinton crusade for government-provided health care for every American, for the redistribution of wealth, and for child rearing to become a collective obligation? Why does Al Gore say that it’s okay to “over-represent” the dangers of global warming in order to sell Americans on his draconian solutions? Why does Michael Moore call religion a device to manipulate “gullible” Americans?

Where did these radical ideas come from? And how did they enter the mainstream discourse?

In this groundbreaking and compelling new book, Daniel J. Flynn uncovers the surprising origins of today’s Left. The first work of its kind, A Conservative History of the American Left tells the story of this remarkably resilient extreme movement–one that came to America’s shores with the earliest settlers.

Flynn reveals a history that leftists themselves ignore, whitewash, or obscure. Partly the Left’s amnesia is convenient: Who wouldn’t want to forget an ugly history that includes eugenics, racism, violence, and sheer quackery? Partly it is self-aggrandizing: Bold schemes sound much more innovative when you refuse to acknowledge that they have been tried–and have failed–many times before. And partly it is unavoidable: The Left is so preoccupied with its triumphal future that it doesn’t pause to learn from its past mistakes. So it goes that would-be revolutionaries have repeatedly failed to recognize the one troubling obstacle to their grandiose visions: reality.

In unfolding this history, Flynn presents a page-turning narrative filled with colorful, fascinating characters–progressives and populists, radicals and reformers, socialists and SDSers, and leftists of every other stripe. There is the rags-to-riches Welsh industrialist who brought his utopian vision to America–one in which private property, religion, and marriage represented “the most monstrous evils”–and gained audiences with the likes of Thomas Jefferson, John Adams, and James Madison. There is the wife-swapping Bible thumper who nominated Jesus Christ for president. There is the playboy adventurer whose worshipful accounts of Soviet Russia lured many American liberals to Communism. There is the daughter of privilege turned violent antiwar activist who lost her life to a bomb she had intended to use against American soldiers. There are fanatics and free spirits, perverts and puritans, entrepreneurs and altruists, and many more beyond.

A Conservative History of the American Left is a gripping chronicle of the radical visionaries who have relentlessly pursued their lofty ambitions to remake society. Ultimately, Flynn shows the destructiveness that comes from this undying pursuit of dreams that are utterly unattainable.

The Politics of Aesthetics

Jacques Ranciere

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The Injunction of Aesthetics and Politics 5 out of 5 stars.
23 of 26 people found this review helpful.

Jacques Ranciere in The Politics of Aesthetics implicates aesthetics and politics as part of the same paradigm in a series of short essays and an interview. Ranciere poses three "regimes" in art: the 1) political/ethical, 2) poiesis/mimesis and 3) aesthetic. Using these regimes, Ranciere develops an acute sense of modernism and postmodernism on the basis that the former tried to represent the "teleology of historical evolution and rupture" (p. 28) and that the latter mournfully reversed the notion of historical contingency wholesale. Ranciere's address of a "politics of aesthetics" and "aesthetics to politics" posits an interesting injunction between what often seem two disparate fields of practice. The Politics of Aesthetics remarkably investigates two knotty matters: political theory and art-theory using methods derived from materialism and marxism.

Ranciere writes of art that it happens and, as such, makes visible. This visibility opens up multiple "universal" possibilities, contrary to the singularity of a universal transcendent truth of non-happening in art. Yet, Ranciere does not say what appearance these possibilities should have, but that they be aesthetic and political--a fascinating finding.

Editorial Review:

"The Politics of Aesthetics" rethinks the relation between art and politics, reclaiming "aesthetics" from its current narrow confines to reveal its significance for contemporary experience. Here, Jacques Ranciere develops a critical aesthetic that goes far beyond the paradigms of modernism and modernity and their 'posts' which still haunt us. Presented as a set of inter-linked interviews, "The Politics of Aesthetics" ranges across art and politics, the uses and abuses of modernity, the role of visual technologies, the relationship between history and fiction, utopias, the avant-garde and the three aesthetic regimes, which constitute the 'partitions of the sensible.' Already translated into five languages, this English edition of "The Politics of Aesthetics" includes a new afterword by Slavoj Zizek and a new interview with Ranciere in which he situates his writing within the context of the work of, amongst others, Foucault, Barthes, Ricoeur, Kristeva, Derrida, Badiou, Balibar and Zizek.

Security, Territory, Population: Lectures at the College de France 1977--1978

Michel Foucault

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Total reviews: 4 Average rating: 4.5 of 5

Indespensible 5 out of 5 stars.
11 of 11 people found this review helpful.

These are the complete course lectures in which Foucault developed his theory and history of "governmentality" as a discursive threshold of modern society.

This volume is critical to any student of Foucault or government in general. To the Foucault student, it refines his concept of power and signifies a break from power as "domination" to power as the "conduct of conduct." This is the first printing of the full lecture series, of which only two portions were available previously, and shows the full empirical range of his study of governmentality.

To the more general student of government, this work is equally valuable. It clearly situates government as a practice contingent upon durable forms of thought and action in western history. It is primarily concerned with the shift from governing territory to governing populations with the emergence of liberalism and the collapse of feudalism. More advanced students may find this work especially useful because of its contraposition to marxism, critical theory, and mainstream liberal critiques of government. In this respect, it offers a genuinely alternative voice to the problems and prospects of modern politics - a very rare achievement.

Editorial Review:

Picador is proud to publish the fifth volume in Foucault's prestigious, groundbreaking series of lectures at the Collège de France from 1970 to 1984 Marking a major development in Foucault's thinking, this book takes as its starting point the notion of "biopower," studying the foundations of this new technology of power over populations. Distrinct from punitive disciplinary systems, the mechanisms of power are here finely entwined with the technologies of security. But in this volume, Foucault beings to turn his attention to the history of "governmentality," shifting from the question of biopower to that of government. In light of Foucault's later work, these lectures illustrate a radical turning point at which the transition to the problematic of the "government of self and others" would begin.  

The Utility of Force: The Art of War in the Modern World (Vintage)

Rupert Smith

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Total reviews: 19 Average rating: 4.5 of 5

One Major Recommendation 5 out of 5 stars.
10 of 13 people found this review helpful.

Edit of 20 May 2007 to drop one link (reduntant to Master Gray) and add instead General Zinni's book on waging peace, our counterpart to the author of this book in terms of intellect, morality, and strategic gravitas.

I defer to the other reviewers on the bulk of the book. It can and should be required reading for some time to come.

Here is the one recommendation in the conclusion that really matters, and I paraphrase:

FROM THE BEGINNING, the national interests and desired outcomes must be considered by a fully integrated team of military and civilian experts with deep strategic, historical, cultural, geographic, and related knowledge, and the use of force must be planned in the context of the desired OUTCOME. The same and related teams must plan for the peace and see the entire program through to the desired END.

This is of course sensible, and not what the Americans did. General Shinseki's correct appreciation was over-turned by Paul Wolfowitz, a world-class liar living in a fantasy world. General Zinni was called a traitor. General Gavin was dismissed early because Haliburton was not done looting, and preppie Paul Bremer sent in to lose another $20 billion.

Here are other books I recommend, beginning with those from British authors that I consider as remarkable as this one:
Modern Strategy
The Battle for Peace: A Frontline Vision of America's Power and Purpose
Intelligence Power in Peace and War
Very Special Intelligence: The Story of the Admiralty's Operational Intelligence Centre 1939-1945
The Rules of the Game: Jutland and British Naval Command
A More Secure World: Our Shared Responsibility--Report of the Secretary-General's High-level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change
High Noon 20 Global Problems, 20 Years to Solve Them
The Future of Life
Plan B 3.0: Mobilizing to Save Civilization, Third Edition
The leadership of civilization building: Administrative and civilization theory, symbolic dialogue, and citizen skills for the 21st century

I imagine General Patraeus will have his own book one day. It's a pity all the flag officers (both US and UK) drank the kool-aid and let Cheney and his merry band of liars and dim-wits destroy the US Army first--for the price of a good tea, any one of us could have told them the lesson the British Army and other Armies have learned since time immemorial: it takes a big war force two years (for slow learners, five years) to re-learn counter-insurgency--by the time they do so, they have been hollowed out and neither the force nor its equipment is suitable for big war absent a complete re-build--but then, that would be the logical "end state" for Dick Cheney and the military-industrial complex: the White House has gotten the outcome it wanted, never mind blood, treasure, and spirit nor international legitimacy, the insolvency of the nation, and the deepening recession. For those that "matter," the profits have been properly banked in Dubai and elsewhere. So the final lesson from General Smith's book is this one: the planning must be open, public, and endorsed by national referendum. The utility of force, in my view, can no longer be entrusted to elites--the case must be made to the public, and only the public may validate the utlity of force. Mind the gap....

Editorial Review:

From a highly decorated general, a brilliant new way of understanding war and its role in the twenty-first century.

Drawing on his vast experience as a commander during the first Gulf War, and in Bosnia, Kosovo, and Northern Ireland, General Rupert Smith gives us a probing analysis of modern war. He demonstrates why today’s conflicts must be understood as intertwined political and military events, and makes clear why the current model of total war has failed in Iraq, Afghanistan, and other recent campaigns. Smith offers a compelling contemporary vision for how to secure our world and the consequences of ignoring the new, shifting face of war.

The Prince (Enriched Classic)

Niccolo Machiavelli

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Editorial Review:

ENDURING LITERATURE ILLUMINATED

BY PRACTICAL SCHOLARSHIP

EACH ENRICHED CLASSIC EDITION INCLUDES:

• A concise introduction that gives readers important background information

• A chronology of the author's life and work

• A timeline of significant events that provides the book's historical context

• An outline of key themes and plot points to help readers form their own interpretations

• Detailed explanatory notes

• Critical analysis, including contemporary and modern perspectives on the work

• Discussion questions to promote lively classroom and book group interaction

• A list of recommended related books and films to broaden the reader's experience

Enriched Classics offer readers affordable editions of great works of literature enhanced by helpful notes and insightful commentary. The scholarship provided in Enriched Classics enables readers to appreciate, understand, and enjoy the world's finest books to their full potential.

SERIES EDITED BY CYNTHIA BRANTLEY JOHNSON


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