General Books - Page 23

First Language Lessons for the Well-Trained Mind

Jessie Wise

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Customer Reviews:
Total reviews: 49 Average rating: 4.0 of 5

A Fair Review & A Comparison to Other Popular Curriculum! 5 out of 5 stars.
2 of 3 people found this review helpful.

Most of us really like this book. We use this book in our homeschool family. It is simple, straight forward and not labor intensive for parent or child. This is a great grammer program. After looking at some of the not so flattering comments about this book, I decided to inspect it for myself. YES, they do change some of the wording in the poems. If this presents a problem for you, look up the originals online and make your choice at that time. YES, it is repetative, however, my child has been tested by our local public school and has been designated as "gifted" -- the repetition can be altered to fit your childs individual needs. YES, it is scripted, which allows for ease of use. If you do not need this type of curriculum, you can use it as a spine. FINALLY, I have compared this book to (3) three other curriculums -- Abeka, Bob Jones and Sonlight -- all are thorough in there presentations and FLL stacks up quite nicely when you do an apples to apples comparison of what your child will learn over the course of a school year! Our family has homeschooled for a total of 18 years and I have graduated 2 children who have successfuly gone onto college and our state university. I can confidently say, that your first and second grader will be well served with this book alone, or as a supplement to another grammer program of your choosing and finally, you can choose it as a summer brush-up program. BLESSINGS!

Editorial Review:

Parents can assure their child's success in language arts with this simple-to-use, scripted guide. First Language Lessons for the Well-Trained Mind uses picture study and other classical techniques to develop the child's language study in those first two all-important years of school. Each lesson leads the parent, step-by-step, through the simple oral and written projects that build reading, writing, spelling, storytelling, and comprehension skills. Use this book to supplement school learning, or as the center of a home-school language arts course.

Truth and Consequences: Special Comments on the Bush Administration's War on American Values

Keith Olbermann

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Total reviews: 54 Average rating: 4.0 of 5

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Short, sharp, and oftentimes shocking, Keith Olbermann s Special Comments have made his nightly MSNBC program, Countdown with Keith Olbermann, must-see viewing and the fastest-growing news show on cable TV. In these segments, Olbermann calls out the perpetrators of mismanagement, brutality, cronyism, and the appalling lack of accountability at the highest levels of the Bush administration. In so doing, Olbermann goes where most of the mainstream media fear to tread and his rapidly expanding audience eagerly follows.

In Truth and Consequences, Olbermann collects the best of his Special Comments, presented here with additional observations and other new material. Whether taking to task the likes of Vice President Dick Cheney and (the thankfully former) Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld, who compare critics of the Iraq War to Nazi appeasers, or giving his impassioned perspective on why torture is un-American and what it really means to support our troops, or grilling timid lawmakers who fail to rein in presidential overreach and abuses of executive power, Olbermann s devastatingly blunt (and at times wickedly funny) commentary cuts to the core of the duplicity and cynicism of a government that has lost the ability to distinguish between leading our great nation and ruling it.

Naturally, Keith Olbermann s candor and razor-sharp polemic have earned him many detractors and enemies. His antagonists in the media, such as Bill O Reilly, have mocked him and accused him of rank intolerance. Yes, Keith Olbermann is intolerant of hypocrisy, demagoguery, fear-mongering, and especially the equation of dissent with treason. In Truth and Consequences, he fights to reclaim for himself and all Americans the dignity of speaking one s mind and acting on one s conscience.

Praise for Keith Olbermann
A truth-telling, Bush-bashing accidental liberal hero.
New York

The most honest man in news . . . Olbermann clearly relishes his feuds and doesn t seem to worry much about sparking new ones.
Rolling Stone

Part Jon Stewart (the funny), Dennis Miller (the erudite and biting sub-references), [and] H. L. Mencken (the skewering of power and stupidity in equal doses) as well as crusading journalist . . . Olbermann has emerged as a kind of force of nature.
San Francisco Chronicle

Intelligent, well-read, forceful and incisive.
Rocky Mountain News

The Global Cold War: Third World Interventions and the Making of Our Times

Odd Arne Westad

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Total reviews: 6 Average rating: 5.0 of 5

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The Cold War between the former Soviet Union and the United States indelibly shaped the world we live in today--especially international politics, economics, and military affairs. This volume shows how the globalization of the Cold War during the 20th century created the foundations for most of today's key international conflicts, including the "war on terror." Odd Arne Westad examines the origins and course of Third World revolutions and the ideologies that drove the U.S. and the U.S.S.R. towards interventionism. He focuses on how these interventions gave rise to resentments and resistance that, in the end, helped to topple one and to seriously challenge the other superpower. In addition, he demonstrates how these worldwide interventions determined the international and domestic framework within which political, social and cultural changes took place in such countries as China, Indonesia, Iran, Ethiopia, Angola, Cuba, and Nicaragua. According to Westad, these changes, plus the ideologies, movements and states that interventionism stirred up, constitute the real legacy of the Cold War. Odd Arne Westad is Professor of International History at the London School of Economics and Political Science. In 2004 he was named head of department and co-director of the new LSE Cold War Studies Centre. Professor Westad is the author, or editor, of ten books on contemporary international history including Decisive Encounters: The Chinese Civil War, 1946-1950 (2003) and, with Jussi Hanhimaki, The Cold War: A History in Documents and Eyewitness Accounts (2003). In addition, he is a founding editor of the journal Cold War History.

Struggle, Politics, and Reform: Collective Action, Social Movements, and Cycles of Protest (Western Societies Program Occasional Paper, No 21)

Sidney Tarrow

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Total reviews: 34 Average rating: 5.0 of 5

Gentle poke at our preconceptions 5 out of 5 stars.
1 of 1 people found this review helpful.

I've carried my copy of this book over many moves. It grows on me each time I read it. Originally it seemed just a humourous retelling of the Carter discovery of Tutankhamun and the Egyptian hysteria that accompanies it. Later on, after getting much more involved in arguments over interpretations of Roman historical artifacts, I realized how to the point the book is about the way we see the past and argue over the meaning of what we see. Still really funny though.

Editorial Review:

It is the year 4022; all of the ancient country of Usa has been buried under many feet of detritus from a catastrophe that occurred back in 1985. Imagine, then, the excitement that Howard Carson, an amateur archeologist at best, experienced when in crossing the perimeter of an abandoned excavation site he felt the ground give way beneath him and found himself at the bottom of a shaft, which, judging from the DO NOT DISTURB sign hanging from an archaic doorknob, was clearly the entrance to a still-sealed burial chamber. Carson's incredible discoveries, including the remains of two bodies, one of then on a ceremonial bed facing an altar that appeared to be a means of communicating with the Gods and the other lying in a porcelain sarcophagus in the Inner Chamber, permitted him to piece together the whole fabric of that extraordinary civilization.

American foreign policy since World War II

John W Spanier

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Placing the actions of U.S. political leaders and military forces in the context of long-standing patterns of behavior, Hook and Spanier discuss how the global role of the United States will define international order for generations to come. More than a decade after the Cold War, the United States remains the most powerful country in the world. But its "unipolar moment" has hardly produced the peace and global prosperity that were expected when the Soviet Union collapsed in 1991. To the contrary, the current period is the most volatile since World War II, and the United States today confronts a bewildering array of challenges to its world role. The foreign policies of President George W. Bush, designed to extend the period of U.S. primacy and "pre-empt" overseas challenges, have altered U.S. foreign relations with all other countries, friends and foes alike. In their thoroughly revised 16th edition of American Foreign Policy, Steven W. Hook and John Spanier explore the conduct of American foreign policy at this crucial period in the nation's history by: closely examining the causes and implications of September 11thNo other event since World War II has so changed the face of American foreign policy, extending its security strategy beyond the system of states that defined international relations since the signing of the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648. The ongoing struggle with Iraq, meanwhile, reveals how conventional nation-states remain forces to be reckoned with. lluminating the real-world results of policy formulation with a focus on conductLong popular for its solid scholarship and readability, American Foreign Policy is an ideal core text for courses focusing on conduct, while a lively, informative supplement for courses emphasizing the process of American foreign policy. In either case, students gain a solid historical footing that is essential for understanding the relationship between the formulation of foreign policy and its real-world results.placing current problems in historic context As in previous editions, Hook and Spanier first explore the emergence of the United States as a global superpower after World War II and its subsequent struggle to "contain" communism throughout the world during the Cold War. The authors then focus on key regional struggles, balance of

Terrorism and Homeland Security: An Introduction

Jonathan R. White

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Total reviews: 15 Average rating: 4.5 of 5

Great reading 5 out of 5 stars.
0 of 0 people found this review helpful.

To understand what terrorism is, you have to know how it has evolved. This book shows you! Interesting reading!

Editorial Review:

White's TERRORISM: AN INTRODUCTION, a perennial best-seller, is recognized as the most objective terrorism book in the market. In the latest edition, White has rewritten and incorporated parts of his two books DEFENDING THE HOMELAND and TERRORISM to create one new comprehensive text. To reflect this change, the title has been updated to TERRORISM AND HOMELAND SECURITY: AN INTRODUCTION, Fifth Edition. TERRORISM AND HOMELAND SECURITY: AN INTRODUCTION, Fifth Edition strives to discuss the most sophisticated theories by the best terrorist analysts in the world, while still focusing on the domestic and international threats of terrorism and the basic security issues that surround terrorism today. The student-oriented writing style is complemented by rich pedagogy, and there is an adequate amount of research and theoretical discussion to make this the ideal text for both the undergraduate- and graduate-level courses.

Essential Readings in World Politics, Third Edition (Norton Series in World Politics)

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Total reviews: 1 Average rating: 4.0 of 5

Better than the Average "Reader" 4 out of 5 stars.
11 of 11 people found this review helpful.

This book is better than your average world politics reader in the scope of material it covers. Each chapter is preceded by some comments from Mingst and Snyder which makes the text easier to follow for those learning about IR for the first time. Additionally, they cover a broad range of perspectives including those of a classical realist, neo-realist, liberalist, dependency theorist, feminist, Marxist, and more. I was especially impressed by the thoughtful inclusion of feminist articles in key chapters, and the unconventionality of including articles from Foreign Policy and The Economist. Some of the excerpts seem arbitrarily shortened or cut off (probably due to space constraints) and therefore I feel some crucial information was addressed too briefly (and in a couple cases not at all). However, this is a good introductory reader if one is interested in International Relations, World Politics, and the International Political Economy.

Editorial Review:

Essential Readings in World Politics introduces students to key literature on international relations—from classics in the field to contemporary debates among scholars today. Twenty-five new readings for this edition offer diverse perspectives on current topics such as Iran's nuclear ambitions, global health threats like avian flu, and the international reach of political Islam.

Patterns of Democracy: Government Forms and Performance in Thirty-Six Countries

Arend Lijphart

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Total reviews: 9 Average rating: 3.5 of 5

Testing Institutional Performance 4 out of 5 stars.
10 of 12 people found this review helpful.

Lijphart seeks to test which type of democratic institutions - consensus or majoritarian - performs most effectively. He tests the performance of these institutions through a statistical analysis of their relative efficiency in three broad fields: macroeconomic management, control of violence, and what he terms the "kinder and gentler" qualities of democracy (293). However, before discussing the results of Lijphart's study, it is necessary to explore what distinguishes the institutions of majoritarian and consensus systems.
Lijphart distinguishes between these two types of democracy by illustrating ten institutional differences which divide the typologies. For clarity, the author divides these ten differences into two distinct dimensions: executives-parties, and federal-unitary. The executives-parties dimension addresses "the arrangement of executive power, the party and electoral systems, and interest groups" (3). The federal-unitary dimension illustrates differences in institutional structure of a federated versus unitary government.
According to the executives-parties dimension, the majoritarian system, or Westminster model, is found to have a two party system and a strong one-party executive and cabinet. Often the executive is more powerful than his or her legislative counterparts. Furthermore, a majoritarian system often uses a single member district electoral system which can lead to disproportional representation, and has a highly competitive pluralist interest group system. Lijphart cites Britain and pre-1996 New Zealand as majoritarian systems.
Lijphart's consensus democracy varies institutionally from the Westminster model. First, under the majoritarian model, the executive office is often composed of a multi-party power-sharing cabinet or coalition. In addition, power-sharing exists between the executive branch and the legislature the electoral system often promotes proportional representation. Lastly, unlike the highly competitive special interest group system of the Westminster model, a consensus democracy promotes a system of interest group compromise (4). Lijphart uses Switzerland and Germany as examples of consensus democracy.
According to the federated-unitary dimension, the Westminster system has a strong, centralized government and a unicameral legislature. In addition, most majoritarian systems possess a very flexible constitution that can readily be amended or changed. Furthermore, in many majoritarian systems, the legislature holds the final word in the constitutionality of legislation, and as such, majoritarian systems do not have a strong system of judicial review.
The consensus model, on the other hand, often has a decentralized government, and can be a federated system. Often the legislature is divided into two houses. In addition, the constitution is often rigid, making change difficult. Lastly, the consensus system often has a strong institution of judicial review to monitor the legality of legislation.
To test the effectiveness of consensus and majoritarian systems, Lijphart compares the performance of the two democracies on three main categories: macroeconomic management, levels of political violence, and the "kinder, gentler" aspects of democracy. Lijphart's hypothesis "is that consensus democracy produces better results - but without the expectation that the differences will be very strong and significant" (261).
When exploring the effectiveness of the two democracies in macroeconomic management, the author operationalizes a number of variables. For the sake of brevity, I will condense the findings into six categories: economic growth, inflation rates, unemployment, strike activity, budget deficits, and freedom index. Lijphart tests the performance of the democracies by using both the executives-parties dimension and federated-unitary dimensions.
In the case of economic growth using the executives-parties dimension, there was little difference between majoritarian and consensus democracy. There was a weak negative relationship between consensus democracy and economic but the findings were not statistically significant. This implies that the difference between consensus and majoritarian democracies in regards to economic development is negligible. In regards to inflation, Lijphart finds that consensus democracies have a slightly lower rate of inflation than majoritarian systems. Consensus also performs slightly better than the majoritarian model in regards to unemployment, but again, the differences are slight.
Interestingly, Lijphart found a massive relationship between strike activity and consensus democracy. According to the regression coefficient, levels of strike activity would have been substantially lower in consensus systems than in majoritarian. However, upon further analysis the relationships are not statistically significant and as Lijphart illustrates, the large difference is a result of "big exceptions to the tendency of consensus countries to be less strike-prone than majoritarian democracies" (269). Lastly, Lijphart explores the performance of consensus democracies on budget deficits and economic freedom. Again, the author finds the differences negligible. When using the federated-unitary dimension, Lijphart's finding are similar except when looking at the inflation variable. When comparing consensus democracy on federal-unitary dimension on inflation, Lijphart discovers that a strong negative relationship exists, the relationship is statistically significant, and there is an acceptable t-value. The author explains this relationship by citing that in a consensus democracy the central bank independence. Lijphart writes, "the most important reason why central banks are made strong and independent is to give them the tools to control inflation" (273).
In conclusion, the author writes, "the evidence with regard to economic growth and economic freedom is mixed, but with regard to all of the other indicators of economic performance, the consensus democracies have a slightly better record and a significantly better record as far as inflation is concerned" (270).
The results regarding the performance of consensus and majoritarian democracies in controlling political violence are also rather vague. Statistically, the consensus system is slightly violent than the majoritarian system. However, Lijphart contends that the significance of the relationship declines when other variables are controlled and outlying observations are removed. Ultimately, Lijphart contends that the statistics show "at least a slightly better performance of the consensus democracies" (271).
The last group of variables that Lijphart addresses is what he terms the "kinder, gentler" aspects of democracy. The author contends that consensus systems are more apt to be "kinder and gentler" than their majoritarian counterparts. Lijphart writes, "Consensus democracies demonstrate these kinder and gentler qualities in the following ways: they are more likely to be welfare states; they have a better record with regard to the protection of the environment; they put fewer people in prison, and are less likely use the death penalty; and the consensus democracies in the developed world are more generous with their economic assistance to the developing nations" (275-6).
Lijphart measures the effectiveness of consensus intuitions by measuring a number of variables: women's representation, political equality, electoral participation, satisfaction with democracy, government-voter proximity, and accountability and corruption. Statistically, Lijphart's findings when comparing the performance of consensus and majoritarian democracies in regards to the "kinder and gentler" qualities are much more revealing. Lijphart finds that consensus democracy "makes a big difference with regard to almost all of the indicators of democratic quality and with regard to all of the kinder and gentler qualities" (300).
To conclude, Lijphart has found that the institutions of consensus democracies perform slightly better than majoritarian institutions in both macroeconomic management and in the prevention of political violence. However, the differences are slim and arguably irrelevant. But, Lijphart did discover that when looking at the "kinder, gentler" aspects of democracy, such as women's rights, incarceration rates and other, consensus democracy performed substantially better.

Editorial Review:

This updated and expanded edition of the highly acclaimed book Democracies offers an even broader, more thorough analysis of today`s democracies. Encompassing thirty-six democracies around the world, the book compares cabinets, legislatures, parties, election systems, supreme courts, interest groups, and central banks to arrive at important-and unexpected-findings about what type of democracy works best.

The Birth of Biopolitics: Lectures at the College de France, 1978-1979

Michel Foucault

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this liberal governmentality.  This involves describing the political rationality within which the specific problems of life and population were posed:  "Studying liberalism as the general framework of biopolitics".
 
What are the specific features of the liberal art of government as they were outlined in the Eighteenth century?  What crisis of governmentality characterises the present world and what revisions of liberal government has it given rise to?  This is the diagnostic task addressed by Foucault's study of the two major twentieth century schools of neo-liberalism:  German ordo-liberalism and the neo-liberalism of the Chicago School.  In the years he taught at the Collège de France, this was Michel Foucault's sole foray into the field of contemporary history.  This course thus raises questions of political philosophy and social policy that are at the heart of current debates about the role and status of neo-liberalism in twentieth century politics.  A remarkable feature of these lectures is their discussion of contemporary economic theory and practice, culminating in an analysis of the model of homo oeconomicus.
 
Foucault's analysis also highlights the paradoxical role played by "society" in relation to government.  "Society" is both that in the name of which government strives to limit itself, but it is also the target for permanent governmental intervention to produce, multiply, and guarantee the freedoms required by economic liberalism.  Far from being opposed to the State, civil society is thus shown to be the correlate of a liberal technology of government.   

The Logic of American Politics

Samuel Kernell, Gary C. Jacobson

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Total reviews: 3 Average rating: 4.5 of 5

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Conveying how the American political system is both extraordinary and complex, the authors explain in a simple and straightforward way that there is a rationale embedded in the U.S. political system. This underlying logic helps students see why political institutions are structured the way they are, and why the politicians who occupy them, and the citizens who monitor and respond to their actions, behave as they do. Kernell and Jacobson analyze political institutions and practices as imperfect solutions to problems facing people who need to act collectively. Throughout the text, the authors highlight these collective action problems, including the conflict over values and interests and the costs associated with finding and agreeing on a course of action. They describe how the choices made to resolve problems at one moment affect politics in the future, long after the original issues have faded. They emphasize the strategic nature of political action, from the Framers' careful drafting of the Constitution to contemporary politicians' strategic efforts to shape policy according to their own preferences.