General Books - Page 23

The Closing of the American Border: Terrorism, Immigration, and Security Since 9/11

Edward Alden

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Editorial Review:

A provocative, behind-the-scenes investigation into the consequences of America's efforts to secure its borders since 9/11

On September 10, 2001, the United States was the most open country in the world. But in the aftermath of the worst terrorist attacks on American soil, the U.S. government began to close its borders in an effort to fight terrorism. The Bush administration's goal was to build new lines of defense against terrorists without stifling the flow of people and ideas from abroad that has helped build the world's most dynamic economy. Unfortunately, it didn't work out that way.

The Closing of the American Border is based on extensive interviews with the Bush administration officials charged with securing the border after 9/11, including former secretary of homeland security Tom Ridge and former secretary of state Colin Powell, and with many of the innocent people whose lives have been upended by the new border security and visa rules. A pediatric heart surgeon from Pakistan is stuck in Karachi for nearly a year, awaiting the security review that would allow him to return to the United States to take up a prestigious post at UCLA Medical Center. A brilliant Sudanese scientist, working tirelessly to cure one of the worst diseases of the developing world, loses years of valuable research when he is detained in Brazil after attending an academic conference on behalf of an American university.

Edward Alden goes behind the scenes to show how an administration that appeared united in the aftermath of the attacks was racked by internal disagreements over how to balance security and openness. The result is a striking and compelling assessment of the dangers faced by a nation that cuts itself off from the rest of the world, making it increasingly difficult for others to travel, live, and work here, and depriving itself of its most persuasive argument against its international critics—the example of what it has achieved at home.

Unholy Alliance: Radical Islam and the American Left

David Horowitz

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Total reviews: 162 Average rating: 4.5 of 5

The truth hurts 5 out of 5 stars.
4 of 4 people found this review helpful.

How can the far left be allied with the far right of Islamic Nazism? David Horowitz, a former brainwashed member of the Stalinist left, tells us decisively, accurately and with fastidious research. I know no lefty wants to read this, and the few negative reviews, show that many of them did not, but it's so true, so maddening and so dangerous.
Whenever America, Israel, democracy and capitalism is involved, the left steps back and condemns. It's no wonder as we mature, folks like me, move right.

Excellent investigation of the link between the Left and radical Islam 5 out of 5 stars.
3 of 5 people found this review helpful.

This is an interesting book that uncovers well supported links between the Left and radical Muslim organizations funding terrorist activities. Horowitz also shows how the Left drifted away from the Center on foreign policy since Clinton left office. This book complements Ken Timmerman's Shadow Warriors: The Untold Story of Traitors, Saboteurs, and the Party of Surrender. While Timmerman investigates the dark alleys of arms deal and intelligence agencies corruption, Horowitz covers political currents closer to the broad day light. Thus, Horowitz easily supports his statements with public sources.

Horowitz states that after the repeated failure of communist regimes associated with dire poverty and brutality, the left movement transited into anti-globalization. This movement was lead by many professors and scholars. Horowitz advances the Left has made governance extremely difficult during the Bush presidency. He accepts political dissent is the characteristic of a healthy democracy; but, he feels the Left went overboard. He narrates how the Left organized huge rallies worldwide right after 9/11 conveying a radical anti-Americanism message.

Horowitz feels the Left promotes tragic unintended consequences. He feels the Left's anti-globalization fuels poverty. While, the Left's anti-war on terror serves as the front guard for Islam and its Sharya Laws that are discriminating and violent against women, gays, and other minorities. The Left unintentionally takes the side of Islam that violently opposes its own liberal values.

He criticizes the writings and opinions of leading Leftist intellectuals and historians. This includes Eric Hobsbawm and his main book The Age of Extremes: A History of the World, 1914-1991, Gerda Lerner, Maurice Zeitlin and his "Root and Branch," Leslie Cagan, and Professor Todd Gitlin. He dedicates an entire chapter to Noam Chomsky the leading contemporary leftist intellectual. He refers to his book: Hegemony or Survival: America's Quest for Global Dominance (American Empire Project) as the manifesto of the anti-American, anti-globalization movement. He dedicates another chapter to a Chomsky follower: historian Howard Zinn and his book A People's History of the United States: 1492 to Present (P.S.). He then moves on to the political writings of Norman Mailer. Next, comes William Blum, a former State Department staffer and writer of Rogue State, 3rd Edition: A Guide to the World's Only Superpower.

Horowitz states this anti-American movement relies on two assumptions: 1) America can do no right; 2) even the rights America appears to do are wrong. As he demonstrates this movement supports those assumptions through egregious manipulations of history including omissions of the economic failures and human rights tragedies of communist regimes and arbitrarily assigning such failures and tragedies to the U.S. By doing so, they demonize the U.S. and even rejects its foundation and Constitution.

Horowitz then moves on to the Islamic Revolution. He mentions the seminal text of Syyid Qutb called Social Justice in Islam with its purpose of imposing Sharia Law on to the entire world. He quotes Qutb referring to Sharia Law as "a universal declaration of the freedom of man..." Horowitz then shows the intellectual convergence between radical Islam and the Left by referring to the socialist author Paul Berman who stated that Qutb was inspired by the "Universal Declaration of Human Rights." Yet, Sharia Law treats women and other minorities as chattel and does away with freedom of speech and religion.

Later, Horowitz mentioned that some of the moderate socialists did express alarm regarding radical Islam espousing terrorism. He mentions Paul Berman's book Terror and Liberalism. Berman was puzzled how progressive utopians could embrace such a pathological movement. But, more radical socialist elements felt Islamic terrorism is a justified response to American Imperialism. And, if only America would leave Islam alone it would seize. This ignores that Muslim terrorism is also aimed at their own (Shiites vs Sunnis) and others (Christian Africans, Hindus Indians, etc...).

Horowitz dedicates a short chapter to the Israeli-Palestinian conflicts. He mentions that you can't explain how the entire Muslim world is up in arms over Jews establishing a state on 1% of Arab lands. Meanwhile, the segregation against the majority of Palestinian population in Jordan evokes no protest from Arabs or even Palestinians. Also, both land and state were offered twice to the Palestinians (latest in the Oslo proposals in 2000 when 97% of their requested land was offered) and were turned down flat out.

Supranational bodies also participate in this radical anti-American anti-globalization movement. He refers to the UN conference held 10 days before 9/11 named World Conference against Racism, Racial Discrimination, and Xenophobia. This forum saw dictators including Fidel Castro and Saddam Hussein excoriate the U.S. for its racism and crime against humanity. None of them considered the irony given the brutality of their own regimes. This same irony bypassed the many supportive American NGOs present at the conference.

In later chapters, he describes the `unholy alliance' between U.S. based Muslim organizations that support terrorism, the extreme Left including the American Communist Party, and the Legal Left that defends any Muslim arrested for facilitating or participating in terrorism.

In another chapter, he described how Clinton and Gore were vehemently opposed to Saddam Hussein during their term. They passed a resolution in 1998 that was promptly approved by Congress calling for regime change due to Hussein's refusal to submit to UN's arms inspections and evidence of his continuing development of WMDs (quotes Clinton). Horowitz quotes Gore stating it had been a grave error that we had not finished the job of taking Hussein out in 1991 and that we should do everything to prevent him from building WMDs. Yet, a few years later Gore will call Bush a liar and a traitor when Bush follows through on Gore's earlier intent. Gore will side with the three members of the UN Security Council, France, Russia, and China. All of them against regime change since they were all major arms dealers of Saddam Hussein's regime.

Editorial Review:

The bestselling Unholy Alliance-now in paperback! Former Leftist radical David Horowitz blows the lid off the dangerous liaison between U.S. liberals and Islamic radicals. With America's battle against the disastrous force of terrorism at hand, Horowitz takes us behind the curtain of the unholy alliance between liberals and the enemy-a force with malevolent intentions, and one that Americans can no longer ignore.

Specters of Marx: The State of the Debt, the Work of Mourning, and the New International

Jacques Derrida

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Total reviews: 8 Average rating: 3.5 of 5

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Specters of Marx is a major new book from the French philosopher Jacques Derrida. It represents his first important statement on Marx and his definitive entry into social and political philosophy. Specter' is the first noun one reads in The Manifesto of the Communist Party . In Specters of Marx , Derrida questions the spectropoetics that Marx allowed to invade his discourse and undertakes this task within the context of a critique of the new dogmatism and new world order' that have proclaimed the death of Marxism and of Marx. Noting its resemblance to the manic discourse that prevails in what Freud called the triumphant stage of mourning work, Derrida likens this jubilant and obscene display ( the body is rotting in a safe place; long live capitalism') to an exorcism and a conjuration. This disavowal attempts to neutralize a spectral necessity, but also the future of a spirit' of Marxism. Derrida argues that there is more than one spirit of Marx and it is the finite responsibility of his heirs (and we are all heirs of Marx) to sift through the possible legacies, the possible spirits, reaffirming one and not the other. How, Derrida asks, does this critical discernment relate to the deconstructive demand of responsibility? This question leads the book across the geopolitical and technoscientific space in which the deafening disavowal of Marx is being proclaimed today. Derrida articulates a stunning reading of Marx's spectrography' not only with the chain of a deconstructive discourse but also with the themes of inheritance and messianism. Under the sign of Hamlet's famous complaint, The time is out of joint,' Specters of Marx is above all the token, or the untimely wager, of a position-taking: here, now, tomorrow.

Pure Goldwater

John W. Dean, Barry M. Goldwater

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TEN star Great book 5 out of 5 stars.
11 of 14 people found this review helpful.

Let me state from the get go that I am a Senator Goldwater and President Reagan style Republican.

What I think this books value is in 2008 is how it sheds alot of light on Senator Hillary Clinton who was a Goldwater girl as well as Senator John McCain who in his pre 2008 years was more Goldwater minded than most people know. But he has gone off course so badly and isnt the same open honest straight talking express man he once was.

Also of interest to me was how Libertarian minded Senator Goldwater was and not the conservative Republican of recent years which is right wing Christian close minded mode. I say this as a Christian who is Goldwater mode.

This is a book that anyone interested in sanity, smaller government, and Constitutional law should read. Sadly so many people probably see Goldwater as some right wing zealot. Thats President G. W. Bush, not Senator Goldwater.

Editorial Review:

Barry Goldwater is a defining figure in American public life, a firebrand politician associated with an optimistic brand of conservatism. In an era in which American conservatism has lost his way, his legacy is more important than ever. For over 50 years, in those moments when he was away from the political fray, Senator Goldwater kept a private journal, recording his reflections on a rich political and personal life. Here bestselling author John Dean combines analysis with Goldwater's own words. With unprecedented access to his correspondence, interviews, and behind-the-scenes conversations, Dean sheds new light on this political figure. From the late Senator's honest thoughts on Richard Nixon to his growing discomfort with the rise of the extreme right, Pure Goldwater offers a revelatory look at an American icon--and also reminds us of a more hopeful alternative to the dispiriting political landscape of today.

The LIBERTARIAN READER: Classic & Contemporary Writings from Lao-Tzu to Milton Friedman

Thomas Paine, James Madison, Alexis de Tocqueville, John Stuart Mill, H.L. Mencken, Isabel Paterson, Murray Rothbard, Richard Epstein, John Locke

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Total reviews: 11 Average rating: 4.5 of 5

A Valuable Addition to Any Political Science Library 5 out of 5 stars.
16 of 17 people found this review helpful.

If you are looking for a quick introduction to the principles and practices of the Libertarian Party, avoid this book; a good search engine and some basic research skills are all you need. If instead you're searching for a deeper understanding of the philosophy of liberty, then I can suggest no better starting point.

The book itself is a collection of short essays from a wide range of contributors to the libertarian tradition, from political economists and philosophers (such as Locke, Mill, and Adam Smith) to some perhaps more surprising sources (like the Old Testament and the Tao Teh Ching). These essays are grouped around broad themes - "individual rights", "free markets", "skepticism about power" - certainly a boon to students, but also an aid to the casual reader. Should a particular topic or thinker pique your interest, a lengthy essay called "The Literature of Liberty" catalogs the sources as it closes the book.

Whether reading this book will convince you to join the Libertarian Party, or send money to the Cato Institute, is a matter open to debate; indeed, some critics rightly point out elements of "big L" Libertarianism that are at odds with "small l" classical liberal thought. My own hope is that reading these essays will give you not only a better understanding of the founder's intent, but also a clearer vision of a better possible future - a freer, saner world. How we get there, if we get there, remains to be seen.

Editorial Review:

Collected in one volume are the classic writings that form the basis of libertarian philosophy. The Libertarian Reader links some of the most fertile minds of our time to a centuries-old commitment to freedom, self-determination, and opposition to intrusive government.

Are You Liberal? Conservative? or Confused? (An "Uncle Eric" Book)

Rick Maybury, Richard J. Maybury

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Editorial Review:

"Are You Liberal? Conservative? or Confused?" discusses political labels. What do they mean? Liberal, conservative, left, right, democrat, republican, moderate, socialist, libertarian, communist what are their economic policies and what plans do their promoters have for your money? Clear, concise explanations. Facts and fallacies. Does inconsistency to the original American philosophy endanger liberty?

To improve the student's learning experience, also purchase the student study guide for "Are You Liberal? Conservative? or Confused?" titled "A Bluestocking Guide: Political Philosophies" also available through Amazon.com

Can be used for courses in Government, Civics, Election Unit Studies, Economics, Business, Finance, History.

Also recommended for further reading is the chapter on "Isms" from the book "Capitalism for Kids" also available through Amazon.com.

Table of Contents for Are You Liberal? Conservative? or Confused?
Uncle Eric's Model of How the World Works
Author's Disclosure
1. Don't Be Embarrassed
2. The Original American Philosophy
3. The Opposite of the Original American Philosophy
4. Basic Political Spectrum
5. The Nature of Political Power
6. The Two Categories of Encroachment
7. The Middle Ground
8. Freedom vs. Liberty
9. Exceptions
10. Military and Foreign Policy
11. Democrats and Republicans
12. Socialism and Communism
13. Fascism
14. What Are They Really?
15. The Other Middle View
16. The National Religion
17. A U.S.-Nazi Alliance or a U.S.-Soviet Alliance?
18. Economic Counterparts
19. Effects on Your Money
20. Three Types of Wrongdoing
21. Muddied Waters
22. Who Gets the Children?
23. The Return of Racism
24. The First American Philosophies
25. Summary
26. Encroachment, Big and Small
Bibliography
Book Suppliers
Glossary
About Richard J. Maybury
Index

Do As I Say (Not As I Do): Profiles in Liberal Hypocrisy

Peter Schweizer

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“I don’t own a single share of stock.” —Michael Moore

Members of the liberal left exude an air of moral certitude. They pride themselves on being selflessly committed to the highest ideals and seem particularly confident of the purity of their motives and the evil nature of their opponents. To correct economic and social injustice, liberals support a whole litany of policies and principles: progressive taxes, affirmative action, greater regulation of corporations, raising the inheritance tax, strict environmental regulations, children’s rights, consumer rights, and much, much more.

But do they actually live by these beliefs? Peter Schweizer decided to investigate in depth the private lives of some prominent liberals: politicians like the Clintons, Nancy Pelosi, the Kennedys, and Ralph Nader; commentators like Michael Moore, Al Franken, Noam Chomsky, and Cornel West; entertainers and philanthropists like Barbra Streisand and George Soros. Using everything from real estate transactions, IRS records, court depositions, and their own public statements, he sought to examine whether they really live by the principles they so confidently advocate.

What he found was a long list of glaring contradictions. Michael Moore denounces oil and defense contractors as war profiteers. He also claims to have no stock portfolio, yet he owns shares in Halliburton, Boeing, and Honeywell and does his postproduction film work in Canada to avoid paying union wages in the United States. Noam Chomsky opposes the very concept of private property and calls the Pentagon “the worst institution in human history,” yet he and his wife have made millions of dollars in contract work for the Department of Defense and own two luxurious homes. Barbra Streisand prides herself as an environmental activist, yet she owns shares in a notorious strip-mining company. Hillary Clinton supports the right of thirteen-year-old girls to have abortions without parental consent, yet she forbade thirteen-year-old Chelsea to pierce her ears and enrolled her in a school that would not distribute condoms to minors. Nancy Pelosi received the 2002 Cesar Chavez Award from the United Farm Workers, yet she and her husband own a Napa Valley vineyard that uses nonunion labor.

Schweizer’s conclusion is simple: liberalism in the end forces its adherents to become hypocrites. They adopt one pose in public, but when it comes to what matters most in their own lives—their property, their privacy, and their children—they jettison their liberal principles and embrace conservative ones. Schweizer thus exposes the contradiction at the core of liberalism: if these ideas don’t work for the very individuals who promote them, how can they work for the rest of us?

The Central Liberal Truth: How Politics Can Change a Culture and Save It from Itself

Lawrence E. Harrison

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Which cultural values, beliefs, and attitudes best promote democracy, social justice, and prosperity? How can we use the forces that shape cultural change, such as religion, education, and political leadership, to promote these values in the Third World--and for underachieving minorities in the First World? In this book, Lawrence E. Harrison offers intriguing answers to these questions, in a valuable follow-up to his acclaimed Culture Matters.
Drawing on a three-year research project that explored the cultural values of dozens of nations--from Botswana, Sweden, and India to China, Egypt, and Chile--Harrison offers a provocative look at values around the globe, revealing how each nation's culture has propelled or retarded their political and economic progress. The book presents 25 factors that operate very differently in cultures prone to progress and those that resist it, including one's influence over destiny, the importance attached to education, the extent to which people identify with and trust others, and the role of women in society. Harrison pulls no punches, and many of his findings are controversial.
Contradicting the arguments of multiculturalists, this book contends that when it comes to promoting human progress, some cultures are clearly more effective than others. It convincingly shows which values, beliefs, and attitudes work and how we can foster them.
"Harrison takes up the question that is at the center of politics today: Can we self-consciously change cultures so they encourage development and modernization?"
--David Brooks, New York Times
"I can think of no better entrance to the topic, both for what it teaches and the way it invites and prepares the reader to continue. A gateway study."
--David S. Landes, author of The Wealth and Poverty of Nations

Communism: A History (Modern Library Chronicles)

Richard Pipes

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From one of our greatest historians, a magnificent reckoning with the modern world's most fateful idea.

With astonishing authority and clarity, Richard Pipes has fused a lifetime's scholarship into a single focused history of Communism, from its hopeful birth as a theory to its miserable death as a practice.

At its heart, the book is a history of the Soviet Union, the most comprehensive reorganization of human society ever attempted by a nation-state. Drawing on much new information, Richard Pipes explains the countryís evolution from the 1917 revolution to the Great Terror and World War II, global expansion and the Cold War chess match with the United States, and the regime's decline and ultimate collapse. There is no more dramatic story in modern history, nor one more crucial to master, than that of how the writing and agitation of two mid-nineteenth-century European thinkers named Marx and Engels led to a great and terrible world religion that brought down a mighty empire, consumed the world in conflict, and left in its wake a devastation whose full costs can only now be tabulated.

The Enemy At Home: The Cultural Left and Its Responsibility for 9/11

Dinesh D'Souza

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From THE ENEMY AT HOME:

“In this book I make a claim that will seem startling at the outset. The cultural left in this country is responsible for causing 9/11. … In faulting the cultural left, I am not making the absurd accusation that this group blew up the World Trade Center and the Pentagon. I am saying that the cultural left and its allies in Congress, the media, Hollywood, the nonprofit sector, and the universities are the primary cause of the volcano of anger toward America that is erupting from the Islamic world. The Muslims who carried out the 9/11 attacks were the product of this visceral rage—some of it based on legitimate concerns, some of it based on wrongful prejudice, but all of it fueled and encouraged by the cultural left. Thus without the cultural left, 9/11 would not have happened.

“I realize that this is a strong charge, one that no one has made before. But it is a neglected aspect of the 9/11 debate, and it is critical to understanding the current controversy over the ‘war against terrorism.’ … I intend to show that the left has actively fostered the intense hatred of America that has led to numerous attacks such as 9/11. If I am right, then no war against terrorism can be effectively fought using the left-wing premises that are now accepted doctrine among mainstream liberals and Democrats.”

Whenever Muslims charge that the war on terror is really a war against Islam, Americans hasten to assure them they are wrong.  Yet as Dinesh D’Souza argues in this powerful and timely polemic, there really is a war against Islam.  Only this war is not being waged by Christian conservatives bent on a moral crusade to impose democracy abroad but by the American cultural left, which for years has been vigorously exporting its domestic war against religion and traditional morality to the rest of the world.

D’Souza contends that the cultural left is responsible for 9/11 in two ways: by fostering a decadent and depraved American culture that angers and repulses other societies—especially traditional and religious ones— and by promoting, at home and abroad, an anti-American attitude that blames America for all the problems of the world. 

Islamic anti-Americanism is not merely a reaction to U.S. foreign policy but is also rooted in a revulsion against what Muslims perceive to be the atheism and moral depravity of American popular culture.  Muslims and other traditional people around the world allege that secular American values are being imposed on their societies and that these values undermine religious belief, weaken the traditional family, and corrupt the innocence of children. But it is not “America” that is doing this to them, it is the American cultural left. What traditional societies consider repulsive and immoral, the cultural left considers progressive and liberating.

Taking issue with those on the right who speak of a “clash of civilizations,” D’Souza argues that the war on terror is really a war for the hearts and minds of traditional Muslims—and traditional peoples everywhere.  The only way to win the struggle with radical Islam is to convince traditional Muslims that America is on their side.

We are accustomed to thinking of the war on terror and the culture war as two distinct and separate struggles. D’Souza shows that they are really one and the same.  Conservatives must recognize that the left is now allied with the Islamic radicals in a combined effort to defeat Bush’s war on terror. A whole new strategy is therefore needed to fight both wars.   “In order to defeat the Islamic radicals abroad,” D’Souza writes, “we must defeat the enemy at home.”