Liberalism Books - Page 12

The Anatomy of Antiliberalism

Stephen Holmes

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Editorial Review:

Liberal: spoken in a certain tone, heard more and more often lately, it summons up permissiveness, materialism, rootlessness, skepticism, relativism run rampant. How has liberalism, the grand democratic ideal, come to be a dirty word? This hook shows us what antiliberalism means in the modern world--where it comes from, whom it serves, and why it speaks with such a forceful, if everchanging, voice.

In the past, in a battle pitting one offspring of eighteenth-century rationalism against another, Marxism has been liberalism's best known and most vociferous opponent. But with the fall of communism, the voices of ethnic particularism, communitarianism, and religious fundamentalism--a tradition Holmes traces to Joseph de Maistre--have become louder in rejection of the Enlightenment, failing to distinguish between the descendants of Karl Marx and Adam Smith. Stephen Holmes uses the tools of the political theorist and the intellectual historian to expose the philosophical underpinnings of antiliberalism in its nonmarxist guise. Examining the works of some of liberalism's severest critics--including Maistre, Carl Schmitt, Leo Strauss, and Alasdair Maclntyre--Holmes provides, in effect, a reader's guide to antiliberal culture, in all its colorful and often seductive, however nefarious, variety. As much a mindset as a theory, as much a sensibility as an argument, antiliberalism appears here in its diverse efforts to pit "spiritual truths" and "communal bonds" against a perceived cultural decay and moral disintegration. This corrosion of the social fabric--rather than the separation of powers, competitive elections, a free press, religious tolerance, public budgets, and judicial controls on the police--is what the antiliberal forces see as the core of liberal politics. Against this picture, Holmes outlines the classical liberal arguments most often misrepresented by the enemies of liberalism and most essential to the future of democracy.

Constructive as well as critical, this book helps us see what liberalism is and must be, and why it must and always will engender deep misgivings along with passionate commitment.

The Law of Peoples

John Rawls

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This book consists of two parts: the essay "The Idea of Public Reason Revisited," first published in 1997, and "The Law of Peoples," a major reworking of a much shorter article by the same name published in 1993. Taken together, they are the culmination of more than fifty years of reflection on liberalism and on some of the most pressing problems of our times by John Rawls. "The Idea of Public Reason Revisited" explains why the constraints of public reason, a concept first discussed in Political Liberalism(1993), are ones that holders of both religious and non-religious comprehensive views can reasonably endorse. It is Rawls's most detailed account of how a modern constitutional democracy, based on a liberal political conception, could and would be viewed as legitimate by reasonable citizens who on religious, philosophical, or moral grounds do not themselves accept a liberal comprehensive doctrine-such as that of Kant, or Mill, or Rawls's own "Justice as Fairness," presented in A Theory of Justice (1971). The Law of Peoples extends the idea of a social contract to the Society of Peoples and lays out the general principles that can and should be accepted by both liberal and non-liberal societies as the standard for regulating their behavior toward one another. In particular, it draws a crucial distinction between basic human rights and the rights of each citizen of a liberal constitutional democracy. It explores the terms under which such a society may appropriately wage war against an "outlaw society," and discusses the moral grounds for rendering assistance to non-liberal societies burdened by unfavorable political and economic conditions.

FREEDOM AND FEDERALISM

FELIX MORLEY

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An Introduction to, and Survey of, Federalism 4 out of 5 stars.
4 of 4 people found this review helpful.

An excellent survey of Federalism, exploring its origin and development in the United States, as well as the prospects for Federalism around the world. Morley discusses the evils of centralized democracy, and how democracy is controlled by Federalist principles, in the interest of individual rights. He then goes on to explain the effects of the Fourteenth and Sixteenth Ammendments, and the policies of FDR. Factors to restore Federalism in the U.S. are also discussed. Highly educational, and its 1960 copyright makes it more interesting for younger readers, offering a window into the cold war outlook of the 1950's

Federalism: A Distinctively American Contribution to Political Science 5 out of 5 stars.
3 of 3 people found this review helpful.

~Freedom and Federalism~ is an intriguging perspective of federalism than and now... Felix Morley was a prominent conservative journalist and editor for Human Events. Freedom and Federalism was first published in 1950's and offers an honest assessment of federalism since the inception of the American Republic in 1787. "Federalism," affirms Morley, "is a distinctively American contribution to political art," which makes the reconciliation of liberty and order possible. He also critiques 'democracy' and 'democratism' with a brutally honest and prudent wisdom, which makes Morley a brilliant citizen-statesmen in the spirit of the founding fathers.

"In Morley's eyes," the cover notes, "a government of free men is like a strong-standing arch. The solid stones of which it is built is called freedom. Neither the building blocks of individual liberty nor the arch of freedom will stand secure without the keystone of federalism. It is federalism that holds up the arch. It is federalism that makes possible the preservation of both liberty and freedom. And the name of the arch is Republic-not Democracy." This book affirms that America was founded as a Republic, not a Democracy. Edmund Randolph avows, "The general object," of the constitutional convention, was "to provide a cure for the evils under which the United States labored; that in tracing these evils to their origin, every man had found it in the turbelence and follies of democracy." "The U.S. was conceived and framed as a constitutionally limited federal republic with limits not only on the powers of government but on that of majority rule. Succinctly stated, the fundamental purpose of government was to protect life, liberty and property. The founders were weary of unchecked democracy, majoritarian tyranny and the redistributive threat that democracy posed to property rights. In an absolute democracy, everything is potentially up for a vote, including your God-given natural rights. Under republican government, the rule of law is supreme and the rights of the individual are paramount. Thus, as Morley recognizes, the founders made few concessions to democracy and sought to localize it. Even Thomas Jeffesron, purported to be the most 'democratic' of the founders recognizes that "A democracy [is] the only pure republic, but impracticable beyond the limits of a town."

Morley analyzes Rousseau's concept of the "general will," which is a pretense for legitimizing majoritarian tyranny under the auspices of 'totalitarian democracy.' He points out how the design of federalism thwarts a general will. Morley also has no delusions of grandeur about federalism today. (Note that this book was written in the 1950's.) He rightly recognizes a steady erosion of original intent and the principles of federalism has led to centralization and a precariously unconstitutional balance of power between the federal government and states. It is little wonder that the word 'federal' has taken on a pejorative context while exemplifying centralization and bureaucracy. The word 'Federal' was derived from the Latin 'Foedus,' which translates to 'covenant' and thus 'Federalism' and 'Constitutionalism' goes hand in hand.

The culmination of big government machinations such as the Civil War, Reconstruction, New Deal, and the Great Society has usurped the constitutional order and has in many cases reduced the states to mere creatures of the federal government. Morley offers insights on historical developments such as the the Civil War, the problems presented by the 14th Amendment for jurisprudence, the nationalizing effects of commercialization, war preparation, empire building which began after the Civil War and went full circle under Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson.

Evil Paradises: Dreamworlds of NeoLiberalism

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Eclectic thinkers, brought together by the bestselling author of City of Quartz, meditate on future worlds being created by unfettered capitalism.

"Not content with existing offshore tax shelters, multi-millionaires and property developers have aspired to build their own....To defeat the predatory outreach of nations and tides, it is clearly not enough to be offshore: true freedom floats."—from "Floating Utopias" by China Miéville

Evil Paradises, edited by Mike Davis and Daniel Bertrand Monk, is a global guidebook to phantasmagoric but real places—alternate realities being constructed as "utopias" in a capitalist era unfettered by unions and state regulation. These developments—in cities, deserts, and in the middle of the sea—are worlds where consumption and inequality surpass our worst nightmares.

Although they read like science fiction, the case studies are shockingly real. In Dubai, where child slavery existed until very recently, a gilded archipelago of private islands known as "The World" is literally being added to the ocean. In Medellín and Kabul, drug lords—in many ways textbook capitalists—are redefining conspicuous consumption in fortified palaces. In Hong Kong, Cairo, and even the Iranian desert, burgeoning communities of nouveaux riches have taken shelter in fantasy Californias, complete with Mickey Mouse statues, while their maids sleep in rooftop chicken coops. Meanwhile, Ted Turner rides herd over his bison in 2 million acres of private parkland.

Davis and Monk have assembled an extraordinary group of urbanists, architects, historians, and visionary thinkers to reflect upon the trajectory of a civilization whose deepest ethos seems to be to consume all the resources of the earth within a single lifetime.

Contributors include: Judit Bodnar, Patrick Bond, Anne-Marie Broudehoux, Teddy Cruz, Mike Davis, Joe Day, Marco d'Eramo, Anthony Fontenot, Marina Forti, Forrest Hylton, Sara Lipton, China Miéville, Don Mitchell, Tim Mitchell, Dan Monk, Dennis Rodgers, Laura Ruggeri, Emir Sader, Rebecca Schoenkopf, Jon Wiener.

The Moral Center: How Progressives Can Unite America Around Our Shared Values

David Callahan

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Not Compelling (2.5*s) 3 out of 5 stars.
10 of 14 people found this review helpful.

The title of this book is definitely overly ambitious. It is quite a stretch to claim that there is a moral center in the US. If anything, there is a lot of inflated, contradictory, hypocritical, cynical, and ignorant thought concerning a fundamental moral center. Actually most of the recent buzz in America concerning values is part of an immense propaganda campaign that panders to susceptible groups by constructing a specious and sinister social reality geared to manipulate behavior. The author makes a stab at detailing some of these contradictions, but does not really address the pairing of ignorance and propaganda that makes the continuation on the current course almost inevitable.

The author looks at the areas of family, sex, media, crime, work, poverty, and patriotism with considerable overlap to locate moral discontinuities and concerns. The biggest disconnect in American thinking in these areas is the notion that morality can survive the zealous drive to turn all areas of life into profit-making centers. The laissez-faire, free-market capitalism that is the current rage absolutely has no conscience, crushing social bonds and moral considerations in its path. Extremist individualism scarcely acknowledges social connections, morality, or values. The author is unwilling to really confront the American version of corporate capitalism other than to mildly chide it.

The following examples of the author serve to show the power of profits to overwhelm a culture, while simultaneously hiding their true impact. Cultural conservatives bemoan the prevalence of sex in the media but prefer to blame cultural elitists (liberals), while failing to see the immense profits of huge media companies. To not be working or to be impoverished is viewed by conservatives as an absence of personal character - again a complete failure to understand power dynamics of capitalism, where the welfare of individuals, families, and communities is irrelevant. There are no concerns for family values. Patriotism was once a shared value for all citizens, now it has become profits for the wealthy and duty and loss of life for the average citizen. Except for a very few high profile cases, corporate crime goes largely unpunished, while petty street criminals and drug users get prison sentences. Any concerns with this disparity are quickly labeled as coddling of criminals.

The author, like so many recent commentators, seems to think that pointing out these contradictions in a book will gain some traction with the public. But if Americans were inclined to analyze the cynical use of values and personal responsibility that is a part of the examples above, the US would not now be in its current state. Corporate capitalism now so permeates our entire society that it is ridiculous to suggest that a little information infused into this hegemonic situation will reverse our course. The wealthy, the wannabes, and all of those who have been so propagandized as to totally believe that liberals are destroying their way of life seemed to have formed a significant majority that is unlikely to diminish in the near future. The author's suggestion that liberals be more receptive to the American Dream, or the supposed opportunity to become rich, simply reaffirms the values of the selfish society.

There has been quite a spate of books in the last few years that purport to discuss American values and then suggest that liberals must adopt or recapture the meaning of conservative rhetoric. How this is supposed to happen, no one addresses. Just how is it that the media, educational institutions, and churches will be transformed from being propagandists for corporations into purveyors of knowledge and information for the benefit of all people. They just ignore that huge hurdle. There seems to be the belief that there are substantial numbers of untainted people just waiting to reject the current direction of society. Well, what have they been waiting for? Read the book if you want a quick rehash of the values clash - that's about it.

Editorial Review:

As the 2008 presidential election nears, Americans on both the right and the left agree that America is in a moral crisis. For most citizens, though, this crisis is not about abortion, gay marriage, or the Òwar on Christmas,Ó but a growing culture of self-interest and a lack of greater purpose. Just as Americans must determine the leader that best represents our true values, America’s elected officials must look to restore our core beliefs of personal responsibility and duty to others. But we need a clear vision. In The Moral Center, now with a new introduction and updated throughout, Callahan explains how progressives and moderates can find common ground to build a new majority and a unified America.

The Age of Reason (Great Books in Philosophy)

Thomas Paine

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Total reviews: 113 Average rating: 4.5 of 5

Paine defended God's reputation 5 out of 5 stars.
4 of 4 people found this review helpful.

Given the vitriol with which Christians have denounced Thomas Paine for more than 200 years, one may be under the impression, as I was, that he was an atheist. He was generally denounced as such, and Theodore Roosevelt's reference to him as a "filthy little atheist" was not atypical. But upon actually reading this famous tome of his, I discovered he was in fact a devout man of God. It was only Christianity and other organized religions he had a problem with, and he explains why.

Paine was a creationist who believed nature is God's primary revelation of himself to humankind. In this revelation are all the tools we need, to understand, to behave, to treat others with respect and kindness, to stand in awe of the creator and worship him. Thomas Paine did not appreciate anyone belittling God by suggesting he behaved as "revealed" in those old writings of men who did dastardly things and then justified their behaviors by claiming God told them to do it! Paine could see that the biblical God was created by men the same way they created all the other pagan gods of the day. (Christianity was not the first to have a virgin birth, resurrections and blood sacrifices.)

With no written description of God, and only the creation to go on, Paine was in the uncommon position of actually having to think for himself about what God must be like, what he expects of us, how we should behave. Thinking is work, but like most work, it can be invigorating and rewarding--written descriptions are severely limiting, confined to the words used, while one's imagination is limitless. (Similarly, the more literally one takes something, the more limited its application.) Paine loved observing and imagining what God must be like; he wasn't limited to the feeble, misguided words of ancients.

Those of us conditioned to getting our description of God through written material might at first think Paine to be at a great disadvantage. How silly, we are tempted to think, to imagine our understanding of God could be complete merely by looking around us. How could we possibly figure out that God wants us to have slaves, keep the Ten Commandments, offer sacrifices, flatter him more on Sunday (or is it Saturday?) and burn witches--all merely by observing nature? Then it dawns on us, and wow! If we believe God is good, then without these writings our imagination about his goodness is limitless. Throughout our lives, no matter how much we mature and grow in understanding, at any given moment we push the limits of God's goodness to the extremes of our imagination--never fully comprehending it, only approaching it. We are filled with awe and we are drawn to emulate that goodness. How silly all this stuff about a touchy biblical god who throws his weight around killing people at the drop of a pin if they don't offer the right sacrifice begins to look!

Thus Thomas Paine was offended by the pettiness and absurdities of man-made religion. By observing God directly, he did not find himself in the awkward position of having to create excuses for God's supposed evil behaviors, his weird pagan-like fascination with blood sacrifices, his horrible temper or his morbid fascination with punishment--like stoning unruly kids to death, striking people dead for small infractions and imposing the death the penalty for every human being's mistakes, misdeeds or mere failures to flatter him (to say nothing of torturing them to death by endless fire). Paine wasn't saddled with the burden of explaining why the deity he worships doesn't want women in pulpits or gays in love. He's not stuck with having to defend fantastic promises that are (let's be honest) never kept, and prophecies never really fulfilled. Ironically, the only thing he ever had to defend was God's reputation--which Bible writers had dragged through the mud by attributing their own wicked pursuits to God.

Paine's respect and adoration for God was pure, unadulterated by human contraption. In other words, he worshipped God without all the baggage. And all the while, Christians called him an atheist for not helping them carry theirs.

It's worth noting that Thomas Paine's contemplation of God was not some kind of nebulous feel-good meditation. He was moved to action. In addition to defending God's reputation, Paine personally worked to end slavery, particularly with his 1775 essay, "African Slavery in America." That makes Paine a better person than the biblical God, and not by a little; I mean, God isn't even neutral on slavery, he encourages it (emphatically and repeatedly, according to the Bible). And, of course, while Paine worked to end slavery, his biggest obstacle was Christians who defended the practice on clear biblical grounds. They got their understanding of God through a written description, while Paine got an entirely different understanding of God merely by contemplating God's real revelation, the creation.

Would Paine still believe in God today? Who knows? When he died, Charles Darwin was but a four-month-old baby. In that day, there simply was no plausible explanation for the origin of species.* Nearly everyone, including Paine, chalked it all up to God--the source of all things existing. Things of mystery have always been affairs of the gods.

*(It is a common misconception among Christians that evolution attempts to explain the origin of life, but it does not.)

But for the fact that Paine was not an atheist, one might consider The Age of Reason a foreshadowing of today's popular works by Richard Dawkins, Sam Harris and others. They and Paine all easily demonstrate how the writings that eventually got voted into the canon that is our present-day Bible could not possibly be a revelation from God. But unlike the others, Paine's purpose was to defend God, not doubt his existence.

This book affords an additional plus. We get a fascinating glimpse of Paine's life and times in the 18th century, 200+ years ago. I was especially interested in his arrest over the nature of his writings. And while this review is an overview, Paine's meticulous tribute to "the age of reason" is a thing of real substance--you'll find detailed arguments not routinely employed by today's writers. You'll also get a more balanced view of deism than we usually get from Christians, who typically misrepresent it as a message of gloom and doom (God created us and then just "abandoned" us). The founding fathers of the United States were more deist than anything else, and thus not Christian, contrary to popular belief.

Editorial Review:

Thomas Paine, defender of freedom, independence, and rational common sense during America's turbulent revolutionary period, offers insights into religion which ring sharply true more than two centuries later. This unabridged edition of "The Age of Reason" sets forth Paine's provocative observations on the place of religion in society.

Whose Freedom?: The Battle Over America's Most Important Idea

George Lakoff

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Since September 11, 2001, the Bush administration has relentlessly invoked the word “freedom.” The United States can strike preemptively because “freedom is on the march.” Social security should be privatized in order to protect individual freedoms. In the 2005 presidential inaugural speech, the words “freedom,” “free,” and “liberty” were used forty-nine times.

“Freedom” is one of the most contested words in American political discourse, the keystone to the domestic and foreign policy battles that are racking this polarized nation. For many Democrats, it seems that President Bush’s use of the word is meaningless and contradictory—deployed opportunistically to justify American military action abroad and the curtailing of civil liberties at home. But in Whose Freedom?, George Lakoff, an adviser to the Democratic party, shows that in fact the right has effected a devastatingly coherent and ideological redefinition of freedom. The conservative revolution has remade freedom in its own image and deployed it as a central weapon on the front lines of everything from the war on terror to the battles over religion in the classroom and abortion.

In a deep and alarming analysis, Lakoff explains the mechanisms behind this hijacking of our most cherished political idea—and shows how progressives have not only failed to counter the right-wing attack on freedom but have failed to recognize its nature. Whose Freedom? argues forcefully what progressives must do to take back ground in this high-stakes war over the most central idea in American life.

Creating Citizens: Political Education and Liberal Democracy (Oxford Political Theory)

Eamonn Callan

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What is the role of political education in liberal democracies? This question, which is at the heart of recent debates in the US over federal funding of private schools, forms the core of this book. The problem of political education is to ensure the constitutive ideals of liberal democracy while remaining open to a diversity of conduct and beliefs that may threaten those ideals. In Creating Citizens, Eamonn Callan, one of the world's foremost philosophers of education, identifies both the principal ends of civic education and the rights that limit their political pursuit. This timely new study sheds light on some of our most divisive educational controversies, such as state sponsorship and regulation of denominational schooling, as well as the role of non-denominational schools in the moral and political development of children.

Creating Citizens: Political Education and Liberal Democracy (Oxford Political Theory)

Eamonn Callan

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Editorial Review:

What is the role of political education in liberal democracies? This question, which is at the heart of recent debates in the US over federal funding of private schools, forms the core of this book. The problem of political education is to ensure the constitutive ideals of liberal democracy while remaining open to a diversity of conduct and beliefs that may threaten those ideals. In Creating Citizens, Eamonn Callan, one of the world's foremost philosophers of education, identifies both the principal ends of civic education and the rights that limit their political pursuit. This timely new study sheds light on some of our most divisive educational controversies, such as state sponsorship and regulation of denominational schooling, as well as the role of non-denominational schools in the moral and political development of children.