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Hayek and Modern Liberalism

Chandran Kukathas

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Customer Reviews:
Total reviews: 1 Average rating: 5.0 of 5

Scholarship of a high order. 5 out of 5 stars.
4 of 5 people found this review helpful.

This book is well organised and clearly written. It contains original scholarship of a high order and it also serves as a primer on some central aspects of contemporary liberal thought, with a luminous introduction to the theory of spontaneous orders, a critique of Hayek on liberty, and a searching analysis of Hayek's conservatism compared with that of Oakeshott and Scruton.

Kukathas advances two theses. The minor one asserts that Hayek provides a comprehensive social doctrine, which should engage the close attention of both the critics and the defenders of classical (non-socialist) liberalism. However it appears that Hayek falls short of the full statement that is required to identify the limits of individual freedom and the proper scope of government.

The major thesis concerns the grounds of classical (non-socialist) liberalism. Kukathas argues that Hayek's defence rests on presuppositions that are incompatible: on the one hand, the scepticism and moral relativity of Hume; on the other, Kant's quest for rationally justified foundations of belief. The tension between these contrary tendencies emerges time after time as Kukathas explores Hayek's views on the key issues in political philosophy.

In his capacity as a conservative and sceptic Hayek asserts that ethics is not a matter of choice because "our morals are not (and cannot be) the product of design but are the result of a natural selection of traditions." However the traditionalist Hayek is driven to seek reasons for adhering to traditional morality and he has a rationalist's concern to defend principles such as the market order and the rule of law that are required for his vision of human progress. But to pursue these principles he is obliged to adopt an agenda of radical reform to "free the process of spontaneous growth from the obstacles and encumbrances that human folly has erected." But if these obstacles belong to our traditional heritage, then where do we stand to put the lever of reform under them? Tensions of this kind prompt Kukathas' conclusion that the foundations of Hayek's liberalism will not hold.

This conclusion begs the question that Kukathas raises in his final chapter on modern liberalism. "First, is it a defensible ideal and, secondly, how might it be defended?" These questions have taken on fresh urgency with Gray's announcement in the Postscript to his latest book that he has defected from liberalism due to its lack of rational foundations. Kukathas concludes that liberal theorists should turn away from their preoccupation with uncovering Kantian foundations for liberalism, and look again to Hume.

Hume combined a critical temper of mind with respect for the truth and for valuable traditions. The challenge is to sustain Hume's critical mood without lapsing into the corrosive form of moral relativism, which denies that there is any rational way to choose between rival theories or moral principles. The usual rejoinder to this latter view is to insist (like Kant) that there is indeed some authoritative source of justified beliefs. Unfortunately, opinions differ on the appropriate authority and all such theories run into the problem of the limits of rationality (the dilemma of "the infinite regress versus dogmatism").

This arises as follows. If a belief claims validation by a supporting argument, what justifies the support? Where and how does the chain of justifications stop? If one attempts to provide reasons for the supporting argument then an infinite regress can be forced by anyone who presses for more supporting statements which in turn demand justification. It appears that this can only be avoided by an arbitrary decision to stop the regress at some stage and settle on a dogmatic belief at that point. This is Scruton's stance in renouncing the notion that any program of major reform can be justified, so that equality and freedom may be sacrificed to "the absolute claim of the locally given."

The dilemma of the infinite regress arises from the widespread assumption that beliefs are only rational or valid if indeed they are positively (certainly) justified. The solution that is offered by Karl Popper and his late colleague William W. Bartley is to abandon the quest for positive justification. Instead we should settle for a critical preference for one option rather than others, in the light of arguments and evidence offered to that point. This stance allows for the revision of preferences in the light of new evidence or arguments, for unconscious acceptance of tacit beliefs (for the moment) and for the uncritical acceptance of beliefs that are not regarded as problematic (again for the moment). This appears to be a simple, commonsense position but it defies the dominant traditions of Western thought which are mostly concerned with theories of justification. If the stance of "critical preference" is adopted then the tension between the Humean and Kantian tendencies in Hayek's thought may be resolved.

With his foundational problems in order then some of the difficulties in the body of his work may dissolve in turn. For example, the cluster of liberal policies (free trade, limited government, the rule of law etc) may be held on the grounds of critical preference over their rivals, given the larger objectives of peace, freedom and prosperity. Such a preference does not rest on faith or foundations, merely on the evidence of centuries of conscious or unconscious experimentation.

Hayek and Modern Liberalism is a significant addition to the growing volume of Hayek scholarship. It seems that Hayek's ideas are starting to receive the kind of attention that they deserve, after many years of neglect.

Editorial Review:

In the history of modern liberal thought, the work of F.A. Hayek stands out as among the most significant contributions since that of J.S. Mill. In this book, Kukathas critically examines the nature and coherence of Hayek's defense of liberal principles, attempting both to identify its weaknesses and to show why it makes an important contribution to contemporary political theory. Kukathas argues that Hayek's defense of liberalism is unsuccessful because it rests on presuppositions which are philosophically incompatible. In his view, the unresolved dilemma of Hayek's political philosophy is how to mount a systematic defense of liberalism if one emphasizes the limited capacity of human reason. Hayek's social philosophy, he argues, offers a significant theory of the nature of social processes, and is therefore an important account of how this must constrain our choice of political principles.

Leftism Revisited: From De Sade and Marx to Hitler and Pol Pot

Erik Von Kuehnelt-Leddihin

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Customer Reviews:
Total reviews: 12 Average rating: 4.5 of 5

You'll never look at left and right the same...... 5 out of 5 stars.
15 of 15 people found this review helpful.

This is a truly extraordinary book by the Austrian Nobleman Erik von Kuehnelt-Leddihn. Being the recipient of an American public school education(which teaches that democracy is the only valid form of government), I was somewhat floored by the author's basic argument. This being that democracy in itself is leftist, and inevitably leads to tyranny, collectivization and war. All you hear in American politics is how superior democracy is and how it is our duty to spread "freedom" to the rest of the world. What a breath of fresh air this book is.

The author explains at length the leftist origins of National Socialism as well as Communism. He methodically dissects the leftist mindset, while tracing basically everything he views as leftist, back to the French Revolution and it's aftermath. He rails against democracy as being no different than socialism in it's impossible and harmful quest for equality. He makes no secret that he is a Christian aristocrat and supports a form of monarchy as the only true "rightist" government. He also claims that monarchy provides more personal liberty than democracy. If, like me, you blindly believed in democracy as a superior way of life, this book is a wake-up call. That being said, atheists and secularists will most likely reject this book, as K-L's entire philosophy rests on the foundation of a transcendent worldview that sees God as the ultimate authority.

Some notable ideas include:

Contrary to popular belief, fascism is a leftist movement. Enforced uniformity and the exaltation of the state above all else is a leftist invention that has the same origins as communism. Mussolini was an ex-socialist. The Nazi's saw all German communists as potential recruits. They were also anti-aristocrat, anti-tradition, and anti-capitalist.

The right rules by authority, the left rules by coercion. There's a difference.

Materialism, egalitarianism, racism, extreme nationalism, and totalitarianism are all leftist.

Many of America's founding fathers loathed democracy. That's why we are a constitutional republic.

America's anti-monarchial bias in foreign policy has wrought destruction in Europe.

Requiem For Modern Politics: The Tragedy Of The Enlightenment And The Challenge Of The New Millennium

William Ophuls

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Editorial Review:

This long-promised sequel to Ophuls’ influential and controversial classic Ecology and the Politics of Scarcity is an equally provocative critique of the liberal philosophy of government. Ophuls contends that the modern political paradigm—that is, the body of political concepts and beliefs bequeathed to us by the Enlightenment—is no longer intellectually tenable or practically viable. Our attempt to live individualistically, hedonistically, and rationally has failed utterly, causing a comprehensive crisis that is at once political, military, economic, ecological, ethical, psychological, and spiritual. Liberal politics has abandoned virtue, rejected community, and flouted nature, thereby becoming the author of its own demise.By exposing the intrinsically contradictory and self-destructive character of Hobbesian political systems, Ophuls subverts our conventional wisdom at every turn. Indeed, his impassioned text reads more like a Greek tragedy than like a conventional political argument. He critiques feminism, multiculturalism, the welfare state, and a host of other “liberal” shibboleths—but Ophuls is not another reactionary neoconservative. The aim of his thesis is far more radical and progressive, offering a political vision that entirely transcends the categories of liberal thought. His is a Thoreauvian vision of a “politics of consciousness” rooted in ecology as the moral and intellectual basis for governance in the twenty-first century. Ophuls holds that a polity based on a renewed erotic connection with nature offers a genuine solution to this crisis of contemporary civilization and only within such a polity will it be possible to fulfill the worthy liberal goal of individual self-development.Ophuls’ work will interest and challenge a wide spectrum of readers, though it will not necessarily be well liked or easily accepted. No one will put down this book with his or her settled convictions about Western culture intact, nor will readers ever again take modern civilization and its survival for granted.

Feingold: A New Democratic Party

Sanford D. Horwitt

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Editorial Review:

Russ Feingold is a rarity in American politics. A staunch civil libertarian, he was the only member of the U.S. Senate who voted against the ill-conceived USA Patriot Act that was rushed through Congress in the wake of the September 11 terrorist attacks. In 2002, while the Bush administration's fabrications and scare tactics persuaded an overwhelming majority of the Senate to vote for the Iraq war resolution, Feingold opposed it. Washington insiders thought such controversial votes could doom Feingold's 2004 reelection. But he won by a near landslide, far outdistancing his party's presidential candidate, John Kerry.

Sanford D. Horwitt writes in this timely, compelling independent biography that Russ Feingold "represents the progressive side of the Democratic divide more clearly and authentically than any successful politician on the national stage." The third-term senator's willingness to take bold stands -- he was the first in the Senate to call for a timetable for redeploying U.S. troops from Iraq -- has inspired a growing number of rank-and-file Democrats across the country.

Drawing on scores of interviews and historical documents, Horwitt shows that Feingold's authenticity is deeply rooted in the old progressive tradition personified by one of his heroes, Robert M. La Follette, the legendary Wisconsin governor and U.S. senator. "Fighting Bob" and the other great reformers of the Progressive Era placed a high value on honest, efficient government, investment in public education, health and infrastructure, and curbs on corporate power and other wealthy interests in the political process.

Feingold became known to a national audience when he teamed up with Republican John McCain on campaign finance reform legislation. After a seven-year battle, the McCain-Feingold bill became the first major reform of the campaign laws since the Watergate era.

Feingold, who grew up in a small southeastern Wisconsin town, is a man of modest means and the grandson of Jewish immigrants. In this lively portrait, Horwitt evokes mid-century Janesville, a Republican stronghold on the banks of the Rock River, where a precocious Rusty Feingold absorbed lifelong lessons about the importance of community and personal integrity.

Beginning with his first election to public office, he has defied conventional political wisdom and long odds, Horwitt tells us, a pattern that has been repeated throughout his career. Feingold has shown how a new, reinvigorated Democratic Party can stand for progressive ideals, resist the corrupting influence of special interests and win elections.

The Unvarnished Doctrine: Locke, Liberalism, and the American Revolution

Steven M. Dworetz

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Editorial Review:

In The Unvarnished Doctrine, Steven M. Dworetz addresses two critical issues in contemporary thinking on the American Revolution—the ideological character of this event, and, more specifically, the relevance of "America’s Philosopher, the Great Mr. Locke," in this experience. Recent interpretations of the American revolution, particularly those of Bailyn and Pocock, have incorporated an understanding of Locke as the moral apologist of unlimited accumulation and the original ideological crusader for the "spirit of capitalism," a view based largely on the work of theorists Leo Strauss and C. B. Macpherson. Drawing on an examination of sermons and tracts of the New England clergy, Dworetz argues that the colonists themselves did not hold this conception of Locke. Moreover, these ministers found an affinity with the principles of Locke’s theistic liberalism and derived a moral justification for revolution from those principles. The connection between Locke and colonial clergy, Dworetz maintains, constitutes a significant, radicalizing force in American revolutionary thought.

Politics without Reason: The Perfect World and the Liberal Ideal

David P. Levine

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Editorial Review:

This book explores the common thread holding together seemingly diverse tendencies in attacks on liberalism.  The author argues that ambivalence about the self and about desire as an expression of the self fosters the intense animosity we observe directed toward the liberal ideal.  Ambivalence arises because the self is viewed as the locus of a destructive form of desire, one that must be controlled and repressed.  The author argues that speaking of ambivalence toward the self is another way of speaking of ambivalence toward freedom, an ambivalence expressed in the impulse toward coercion that plays such a powerful role in the attack on liberalism.

Solidarity in the Conversation of Humankind: The Ungroundable Liberalism of Richard Rorty

Norman Geras

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Strong Liberalism: Habits of Mind for Democratic Citizenship (Civil Society: Historical and Contemporary Perspectives)

Jason A. Scorza

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Editorial Review:

In this age of "total" war on terrorism, many liberals fail to recognize the dangers of adopting the methods of their enemies--of meeting propaganda with propaganda, cruelty with cruelty, and violence with violence. Other liberals reject even modest efforts to teach and regulate good citizenship, fearing that in doing so they will come to resemble their enemies. Can liberal democracy be strengthened and secured without either compromising basic liberal principles or emasculating fundamental liberal purposes? The great totalitarian regimes of the twentieth century are gone, but the need for "strong liberalism" has never been more urgent.

Jason A. Scorza argues that liberalism can generate an account of citizenship responsive to such pressing contemporary challenges as political fear, political apathy, and conformist political membership. Strong Liberalism is founded on understanding thoroughly the canonical defenders of liberal democracy (John Stuart Mill, John Rawls, and Judith Shklar), moving beyond the thinking of prominent contemporary theorists (Stephen Macedo, William Galston, and Thomas Spragens), and parrying the arguments of liberalism's critics (Benjamin Barber, Michael Sandel, and Mary Ann Glendon). Scorza imparts a sharp theory of "strong liberalism" that summons liberal philosophy to the battlefield of the inner life of politics and recalls it to its own essential but often overlooked strengths: civic friendship, political courage, political self-reliance, civic toleration, and political irreverence. The theory of strong liberalism accepts that civic strength is rooted in civic pluralism. Liberal democracy is best served by the cultivation of multiple examples of good citizenship rather than by the insistence that a single, ideal civic character can be identified and universally imposed through civic education.

English-Speaking Justice (University of Notre Dame Studies in the Philosophy of Religi)

George Parkin Grant

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Total reviews: 1 Average rating: 5.0 of 5

A Masterpiece ! 5 out of 5 stars.
7 of 7 people found this review helpful.

Don't be fooled by the slimness of this volume. Within the space of less than a hundred pages, Grant dissected the Anglo-Saxon strain of "justice," which is based on liberalism.

In this book, Grant begins by examining the intellectual roots of English-speaking justice, by looking at the ideas of Locke and Kant. After which, he looks into a contemporary version of it, by examining the works of Rawl's magnum opus (A Theory of Justice).

After this brief but lucid discussion of the works above, Grant then show how the liberal conception of justice has fail in delivering its promises of a just society. The reason being technology. Grant, argues that technology has brought about a cybernetic society, i.e., a society which is guided by the calculation of means and ends which can erode the basic premise of liberalism, i.e., liberty of the individual. Thus, Grant argues that liberalism and technology makes strange bedfellows in modern society. On the one hand, we cherish the idea of the autonomy of the individual but on the other we want to reap the fruits of technology which is incompatible with freedom. Thus, we are locked in the horns of delimma between technology and liberty. Which would we choose?

In conclusion, one cannot help but admire the penetrating analysis of Grant's essay on modern society and its discontents. But, at the same time, I wish he would give us an alternative to that of liberalism.

Communitarianism and Individualism (Oxford Readings in Politics and Government)

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interesting articles, very good preface 5 out of 5 stars.
1 of 1 people found this review helpful.

This is a very handy starting point to anyone interested in today's political philosophy. The articles are probably the most important of their kind - Rawls, Sandel, Dworkin etc. The only really important scholar missing is Raz, but you can't have it all. The subjects are all important - the limits of the liberal ethics, what it means to be a part of a community, etc. The only thing lacking here are some examples as to the relevance of all this to political day to day life, but this is a critique against the debate itself, not against the volume. the preface by Avineri and de-Shalit is very good and comprehensive, and deserves the many quotations it got. Highly recommended to anyone who is into political philosophy.

Editorial Review:

This volume is the most up-to-date collection of essays on the nature of the individual self and its relationship to society. It raises such questions such as: can we understand human behavior without considering social and cultural attachments held by individuals? Can or should the State promote an idea of the good? Contributors include Ronald Dworkin, David Gauthier, Amy Gutmann, Will Kymlicka, John Rawls, Robert Nozick, and Michael Sandel.