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Liberal Racism

Jim Sleeper

Liberal Racism Jim Sleeper List Price: $21.95
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Customer Reviews:
Total reviews: 11 Average rating: 4.0 of 5

miles to go before he sleeps 4 out of 5 stars.
17 of 21 people found this review helpful.

Jim Sleeper's Liberal Racism shares the strengths and weaknesses of several similar books by apostates from the Left (Norman Podhoretz's
several memoirs, In Defense of Elitism by the late William Henry, How I Accidentally Joined the Vast Right-Wing Conspiracy by Harry
Stein and Radical Son by David Horowitz all come to mind): he's very good when analyzing the precise problems with modern Liberalism
that drove him to question its orthodoxy, but he falters when it comes time to follow his doubts to their necessary conclusions. One can
sympathize with, or at least understand, all these men's shared reluctance to fully embrace the conservative logic of their own writings, and
their residual need to demonstrate to their old comrades on the Left that drifting Right hasn't made them uncaring, but this hesitancy does
diminish each of their books.

In Mr. Sleeper's case, he starts from a very basic and astute observation :

[L]iberal racism patronizes nonwhites by expecting (and getting) less of them than they are fully capable of achieving. Intending to turn
the tables on racist double standards that set the bar much higher for nonwhites, liberal racism ends up perpetuating double standards by
setting the bar so much lower for its intended beneficiaries that it denies them the satisfactions of equal accomplishment and opportunity.

He proceeds to deliver chapter and verse indicating that this is the case : from an excellent demonstration of how the 1964 Voting Rights Act
was perverted into a way of guaranteeing a few seats for black Congressmen; to an explanation of how "root causes" excuses for criminal
behavior and opposition to vigorous law enforcement had helped to make places like New York City more dangerous for blacks, until Rudy
Guliani came along and ignored both; to a devastating indictment of the NY Times and its racial politics, both as it plays out in politically
correct company policy and as it functions to distort the paper's news coverage; to a depiction of how Alex Haley's novel Roots helped
create a false African consciousness in black America, which has gradually created an unhealthy distance between blacks and the Western
values they need to succeed in this culture.

In all of these instances, liberals (black and white) have sought to explain away black underachievment as a phenomenon whose sole cause
is white racism and whose only solution lies in government action (i.e., white benevolence). Even setting aside the question of whether
racism is really this powerful and is still pervasive, framing the situation in this way can only harm blacks : by removing incentives for
self-improvement, since government aid is promised for every ill; by lowering self-esteem, since all progress will be a result of government
(Liberal) intercession; and, by imposing artificial limits, such as the Congressional scheme, which packed gerrymandered districts with black
voters, thereby gaining black Representatives while diminishing black power in all the surrounding districts.

So far, Mr. Sleeper is right on the money. But when he moves beyond the critique he gets himself in trouble, because his stated intent is an
impossibility :

This book's premise is that precisely because the United States is becoming racially, ethnically, and religiously more complex than
institutional color-coding can comprehend, liberals should be working overtime to nurture some shared American principles and bonds
that strengthen national belonging and nourish democratic habits.

He seems oblivious to the fact that the project he's set himself is to make Liberalism into Conservatism. For Liberalism's very raison d'être
is to remove societal inequalities via government action, to force egalitarianism down our throats at the cost of our freedom. You see, the
dirty little secret that Mr. Sleeper does not allow himself to face is that you could just replace "black" with "poor" in the entire prior analysis
and leave most of the rest of his argument unchanged. It is a mere sad circumstance of American history and our unfortunate legacy of
slavery and Jim Crow that so many blacks are part of the underclass. Liberalism may focus on them in particular, but it patronizes, and
thereby debilitates, all of the poor. Liberalism always resorts to government action, always excuses social pathologies as not the fault of the
perpetrators, always blames oppression for inequalities, always asks (and expects) little of those it claims to serve, while promising much.
Small wonder that the epoch of Liberalism (1929-1980, in other words, from the Depression to the election of Ronald Reagan) turned the
poor into dependents of the Welfare State.

That said though, Mr. Sleeper is right when he suggests that the appropriate alternative to this kind of ineffectual patronizing and
counterproductive governmental meddling is a restoration of civil society, of non-governmental social organizations, of family, church,
community, etc., structured around common traditional values and standards of behavior. Central to all of this is a revival of the ethos of
personal responsibility, combined with a sense of communal obligation. We, all of us, need to stop depending on government and seeking
excuses for our own shortcomings. We need to learn once again how to rely on ourselves and how to provide for those around us.

Meanwhile, Liberalism, as Mr. Sleeper says, deserves great credit for its role in the fight against institutionalized racism in America (forty
years ago) , but as he quotes Thurgood Marshall as saying :

The law can open doors and knock down walls, but it cannot build bridges.

For America to fulfill its own purpose, it was vital to include all our citizens in a society of opportunity, to allow them the freedom to make
what they can out of their own lives without any interference due to race, creed, or color. We can, and must, make the law colorblind, so
that each of us is judged only by what Martin Luther King, Jr. called "the content of our character", but as Justice Marshall suggested,
government isn't capable of removing the prejudices in each of our hearts. To achieve that entirely commendable goal we will require a
healthy civil society, one that builds character, one in which we are individually free but mutually dependent and where government is only
a last resort. Unfortunately for Mr. Sleeper, that is all antithetical to Liberalism.

...

Editorial Review:

A political journalist reflects on the liberal policies that deal with race, arguing that the liberal view of race is outdated and that these views promote a country divided by racial resentment. Tour."

The Fabrication of Social Order: A Critical Theory of Police Power

Mark Neocleous

The Fabrication of Social Order: A Critical Theory of Police Power Mark Neocleous Amazon Price: $75.00
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Editorial Review:

Anyone who considers questions of power cannot help but be struck by the ubiquitous nature, emotional force and political pull of the concept of order. The Fabrication of Social Order examines the role of policing in the fabrication of order.

After an initial exploration of the original relationship between police, state power and the question of order, Neocleous focuses on the ways in which eighteenth century liberalism refined and narrowed the concept of the police, a process which masked the power of capital and broader issues of social control. In doing so he challenges the way liberalism came to define policing solely in terms of the question of crime and the rule of law. This liberal definition created a limited and fundamentally misleading understanding of policing which remains in use today.

In contrast, Neocleous argues for an expanded concept of police, adequate to the expansive set of institutions through which policing takes place. These institutions are concerned not just with the maintenance or reproduction of order, but with its fabrication, especially the fabrication of a social order based on wage labour. This project, he argues, should be understood as the project of social security. Grasping this point allows a fuller understanding of the ways in which the state polices and secures civil society, and how order is fabricated through law and administration.

Liberalism Divided: Freedom of Speech and the Many Uses of State Power

Owen M. Fiss

Liberalism Divided: Freedom of Speech and the Many Uses of State Power Owen M. Fiss Amazon Price: $30.00
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Editorial Review:

Professor Fiss examines contemporary free-speech issues in the context of the collision of liberal ideas of equality and freedom with modern social structures and speculates on what role the state might play in furthering robust public debate.

The Lost Soul of American Politics: Virtue, Self-Interest, and the Foundations of Liberalism

John P. Diggins

The Lost Soul of American Politics: Virtue, Self-Interest, and the Foundations of Liberalism John P. Diggins Amazon Price: $45.00
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Editorial Review:

The Lost Soul of American Politics is a provocative new interpretation of American political thought from the Founding Fathers to the Neo-Conservatives. Reassessing the motives and intentions of such great political thinkers as Madison, Thoreau, Lincoln, and Emerson, John P. Diggins shows how these men struggled to create an alliance between the politics of self-interest and a religious sense of moral responsibility—a tension that still troubles us today.

Liberalism and Republicanism in the Historical Imagination

Joyce Appleby

Liberalism and Republicanism in the Historical Imagination Joyce Appleby List Price: $55.00
By: Harvard University Press
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Editorial Review:

Like dye cast into water, liberal assumptions color everything American, from ideas about human nature to fears about big government. Not the dreaded "L" word of the 1988 presidential campaign, liberalism in its historical context emerged from the modern faith in free inquiry, natural rights, economic liberty, and democratic government. Expressed in the nation-building acts of revolution and constitution-writing, liberalism both structured and limited Americans' sense of reality for two centuries.

The nation's scholars were unable to break away from liberalism's pervasive hold on the American mind until the last generation--when they recovered the lost world of classical republicanism. Ornate, aristocratic, prescriptive, and concerned with the common good, this form of republicanism held sway among the founding fathers before the triumph of liberal thought, with its simple, egalitarian, rational, and individualistic emphasis. The two concepts, as Joyce Appleby shows, posed choices for eighteenth-century thinkers much as they have divided twentieth-century scholars.

Entering one of the liveliest debates in the scholarly world about our ideological roots, Appleby follows the labyrinthine controversies that these two perspectives have generated in their day and in ours. In doing so, she addresses the tensions that remain to be resolved in the democratic societies of the late twentieth century--the complex relations between individual and community, personal liberty and the common good, aspiration and practical wisdom.

A World Made Safe for Differences

Christopher Shannon

A World Made Safe for Differences Christopher Shannon Amazon Price: $46.00
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Editorial Review:

In "A World Made Safe for Differences", Christopher Shannon examines how an anthropological definition of culture shaped the central political and social narratives of the Cold War era. In the middle decades of the twentieth century, American intellectuals understood culture as a "whole way of life" and a "pattern of values" in order to account for and accommodate differences between America and other countries, and within America itself. Shannon locates the ideological origins of current debates about multiculturalism in the pluralist thought of "consensus" liberalism. The emphasis on individualism in contemporary identity politics, Shannon suggests, must be understood as a legacy of the Cold War liberalism of the 1950s rather than the counter-culture radicalism of the 1960s. "A World Made Safe for Differences" is a highly original and controversial book that will be of great interest to students and scholars of 20th century American history.

Left and Right in Global Politics

Alain Noël, Jean-Philippe Thérien

Left and Right in Global Politics Alain Noël, Jean-Philippe Thérien Amazon Price: $90.00
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Editorial Review:

Few notions are as universal as the idea of a left-right divide in politics. Despite its death being frequently foretold, the left-right metaphor remains the most common lens through which to interpret political life locally, nationally and globally. Left and Right in Global Politics argues that the left-right divide connects these different levels into a world political debate. Interpreting the left-right dichotomy as an enduring debate about equality, Noël and Thérien analyse opinion polls and social discourses to demonstrate how this debate shapes both individual and collective views of public affairs. Setting their findings in a historical perspective, they then show that for more than two centuries the conflict between progressives and conservatives has structured both domestic and international politics. They conclude by discussing the implications of their argument for the analysis of world politics, and contend that the left-right opposition is here to stay.

Arguments and Fists: Political Agency and Justification in Liberal Theory

M LaVaque Manty

Arguments and Fists: Political Agency and Justification in Liberal Theory M LaVaque Manty Amazon Price: $135.00
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Many theorists have addressed a central concern of current political theory by contending that the dithering intellectualism of left politics prevents genuine political action. Arguments and Fists confronts this concern by refuting these arguments, and reconciling philosophical debates with the realities of current activism. By looking at theorists such as Montesquieu, Kant, and Rousseau, the book contradicts current academic debates and also goes against contemporary theory's image of the liberal political agent as a narrowly rational abstraction. Author Mike LaVaque-Manty also argues that progressive political philosophy and political action go hand in hand. He then ventures past Kant and Rousseau to talk about specific environmental activism, finding middle ground between the two while asserting that the liberal urge for political reform stems from sound philosophical considerations about the nature of politics and isn't the "cowardly" afterthoughts some theorists have called it. Arguments and Fists then puts these theoretical insights to use, examining environmental justice movements and varieties of environmental radicalism, showing how liberal theory illuminates concrete contemporary political practices.

World Religions and Democracy (A Journal of Democracy Book)

World Religions and Democracy (A Journal of Democracy Book) Amazon Price: $45.00
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Editorial Review:

Can religion be compatible with liberal democracy? World Religions and Democracy brings together insights from renowned scholars and world leaders in a provocative and timely discussion of religions' role in the success or failure of democracy. An essay by Alfred Stepan outlines the concept of "twin tolerations" and differentiation, and creates a template that can be applied to all of the religion-democracy relationships observed and analyzed throughout the volume. "Twin tolerations" means that there is a clear distinction and a mutual respect between political authorities and religious leaders and bodies. When true differentiation is accomplished, the religious sector enjoys freedom of activity and the ability to peacefully influence its members but does not wield direct political power. A country's ability to implement the principle of differentiation directly affects the successful development of democracy.

Part two focuses on eastern religions -- Confucianism, Hinduism, and Buddhism -- and includes contributions from Nobel Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi and His Holiness the Dalai Lama. The third part addresses democracy in relationship to Judaism and the three branches of Christianity -- Catholicism, Protestantism, and Eastern Orthodoxy. Sociologist Peter Berger offers a global perspective of Christianity and democracy.

The volume's final section discusses what is perhaps the most challenging example of the struggling relationship between religion and democracy today: Islam and the governments of the Muslim nations. Abdou Filali-Ansary, Bernard Lewis, and others present a comprehensive exploration of Muslim thought and faith in an increasingly secular, modern world. It is in this volatile political and religious climate that solutions are most urgently needed but also most elusive.

Contributors: Alfred Stepan, Hahm Chaibong, Francis Fukuyama, Pratap Mehta, His Holiness the Dalai Lama, Aung San Suu Kyi, Hillel Fradkin, Daniel Philpott, Tim Shah, Robert Woodberry, Elizabeth Prodromou, Peter Berger, Abdou Filali-Ansary, Bernard Lewis, Robin Wright, Abdelwahab El-Affendi, Radwan A. Masmoudi, Laith Kubba, Ladan Boroumand, Roya Boroumand.

Montesquieu's Philosophy of Liberalism: A Commentary on The Spirit of the Laws

Thomas L. Pangle

Montesquieu's Philosophy of Liberalism: A Commentary on The Spirit of the Laws Thomas L. Pangle Amazon Price: $32.50
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Editorial Review:

This first comprehensive commentary on The Spirit of the Laws uncovers and explicates the plan of Montesquieu's famous but baffling treatise. Pangle brings to light Montesquieu's rethinking of the philosophical groundwork of liberalism, showing how The Spirit of the Laws enlarges and enriches the liberal conception of natural right by means of a new appeal to History as the source of basic norms.

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