Conservatism Books - Page 16

Invasion of the Party Snatchers

Victor Gold

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Victor Gold wants his party back.

Gold is the former press aide to Barry Goldwater and the former speechwriter and senior advisor for George H. W. Bush. He is incensed that the Neo-Cons and the Evangelical Right have betrayed the ideals of the conservative cause. Now he’s fighting back.

A Republican insider for 40 years, Gold is ready to tell all about the war being waged for the GOP’s soul, the elder Bush’s opinion of his son’s presidency, the significance of the Democratic resurgence, and how Goldwater would have reacted to it all.

Among Gold’s explosive disclosures is the truth about Cheney’s manipulation of George W., and the chilling, puppet-like role of the President amongst Neo- and Theo-Conservatives.

“Entertaining, provocative . . . Mr. Gold is on to something.”
-The Washington Times

“For those disillusioned with the state of the GOP, this quick, uncompromising polemic provides substantial support, along with a large dose of cold comfort.”
-Publishers Weekly

“Like his political mentor Barry Goldwater, Gold pulls no verbal punches in telling the story of how the Bush–Cheney White House has made a mockery of the conservative values it claims to uphold.”
-Frank Mankiewicz, former press secretary to Robert Kennedy and George McGovern’s campaign manager

“Victor Gold unleashes a bitter yet comic blend of ferocity and ridicule at the neo-conservatives and theocrats who have taken over his party.”
-Jules Witcover

The Confiscation of American Prosperity: From Right-Wing Extremism and Economic Ideology to the Next Great Depression

Michael Perelman

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Total reviews: 1 Average rating: 5.0 of 5

Confiscating American Prosperity: High Crimes and Economics 5 out of 5 stars.
4 of 4 people found this review helpful.

April 7, 2008
Reviewing The Confiscation of American Prosperity: From Right-Wing Extremism and Economic Ideology to the Next Great Depression, Michael Perelman, Palgrave Macmillan, 2007
By Seth Sandronsky

Michael Perelman, a professor of economics at California State University, Chico, has written a compelling new book which puts the current social crisis into historical context. As the U.S. credit and housing bubbles crash, mortgage defaults and home foreclosures are tearing a hole in the nation's social fabric. For Perelman, the main story line which got the American nation to this point of instability begins in the early 1970s, the end of the "Golden Age" of the U.S.'s post-World War II prosperity. As the balance sheets of German and Japanese rivals rose, corporate America's fell.

Its recovery points to the winners and losers of this process to restore profitability to U.S. corporations. In a main theme of the book, American politicians and think tanks united to weaken corporate regulation and taxation. Accordingly, Perelman's book reads a bit like a crime story. One of the figures who loom large in it is Supreme Court Justice Lewis Powell. His 1971 memo, penned as a corporate lawyer, set off alarm bells for big business. It was time, Powell said, to ideologically and politically confront the popular movements (Civil Rights and Vietnam War) of the day. Later, the two U.S. political parties, in response to their large corporate funders, targeted social policies of the New Deal and Great Society protecting the American people from the scourge of hunger and poverty due to loss of jobs, health care, etc.

Powell's role in Main Street's declining fortunes since the end of the Vietnam War illustrates Perelman's close attention to class interests. He brings into sharp focus the reasons for and results of a one-sided upper-class campaign over the past three decades. The extent to which a small but strong minority of Americans hoarded the bulk of growth from the sweat of a diverse labor force, increasingly female, boggles one's mind.

Consider this data. As the nation's gross domestic product tripled from 1970 to 2003, the "top 13,000 tax-paying households ... saw its wages and salaries increase fifteen-fold," Perlman writes. Meanwhile, for the bottom 99 percent of Americans, average income remained basically unchanged between 1970 ($36,008) and 2004 ($37,295).

One outcome has been working Americans' growing reliance on credit to make ends meet, Perelman explains in jargon-free prose. Such clear language from a professor of economics may startle some readers who might be accustomed to opaque English from the likes of Alan Greenspan, former head of the nation's central bank.

Perelman reminds readers that pro-business policies of deregulation are not the monopoly of the GOP. The weakening of government oversight of industry took off under Democratic President Jimmy Carter. So did the high-interest rate policy of Paul Volcker, former Federal Reserve Bank chief. This one-two policy punch buckled the knees of the U.S. working class.

Likewise, former actor-turned-California Governor Ronald Reagan did his part as president to batter organized labor. Reagan fired striking federal air-traffic controllers who had earlier campaigned for him. Later, private employers aped Reagan, terminating their work forces during union actions throughout the 1980s and beyond. Unionized Americans have been backpedaling since, mainly in the private sector, in which workers creates profits (what Marx termed surplus value), unlike the public sector.

Political right-wingers pushing corporate-friendly policies have left no stone unturned. Some public schools whose students fail to score well enough on highs-stakes achievement tests and consequently face closure. One option is to re-open them as private charter schools. The owners who are politically connected to business leaders and political officials can then void employees' union contracts and earn profits.

And who helps shape public opinion as the upper-class rollback proceeds? Perelman answers in part with a look at the Heritage Foundation, which grew with funds from beer mogul Joseph Coors. This think tank became a service provider of so-called expert commentators to news media, increasingly in the hands of fewer and fewer global corporations such as News Corp. and its chair Rupert Murdoch.

On that note, Perelman's radical viewpoint runs counter to the mainstream notion that income and wealth inequality are regrettable but inevitable outcomes of market forces that free people's productive potential. He evaluates the research on the past three decades in the U.S. and finds that this notion is a false assumption. Alternatively, Perelman suggests that such inequality disrupts and obstructs economic growth.

Lastly, Perelman critiques the economics profession and Professor Martin Feldstein. In brief, his research said Social Security harmed the U.S. economy by cutting personal savings. In time, Feldstein's methods were found to be fatally flawed. Yet he stayed close to the White House and remained a Harvard professor, shaping the world views of policy makers and corporate execs.

What is to be done with a profession that basically serves moneyed interests? "In the longer run, a total rethinking of economics is needed," Perelman writes in conclusion. "Economists can make a contribution to this transformation by deemphasizing competition, while learning to understand more humane motives of behavior than profit maximization."

Seth Sandronsky lives and writes in Sacramento.

Editorial Review:

This book argues that the right-wing revolution in the United States has created deepening inequality and will lead to economic catastrophe. The author makes the case that over the past three decades the rich have confiscated wealth and income from the poor and middle class to a far greater extent than many realize, and he explores in detail important but commonly unmeasured dimensions of inequality. He also takes aim at the economics profession, criticising the analytical blinders that leave economists incapable of seeing the coming crisis.

John Randolph of Roanoke

Russell Kirk

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John Randolph of Roanoke - Roanoke being the name of his home in Charlotte County, Virginia - is unique in American political history. Only twenty-six when first elected to Congress in 1799, he readily became the most forceful figure at the Capitol. An incomparable orator, he was also, in the observation of Dumas Malone, "a merciless castigator of iniquity." For most of his public career Randolph was a leader of the opposition - to both Jeffersonians and Federalists. He was, writes Russell Kirk, "devoted to state rights, the agricultural interest, economy in government, and freedom from foreign entanglements." Above all things Randolph cherished liberty, and he famously declared, "I love liberty; I hate equality. "This fourth edition incorporates the corrections and modest revisions provided by the author shortly before his death in 1994. Among the new material is a transcription of the first-hand account of Randolph's death that relates information long deemed apocryphal. The account is by Dr. Joseph Parrish, who was at Randolph's side when he died in 1833.

America's Right Turn: From Nixon to Clinton (The American Moment)

William C. Berman

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Customer Reviews:
Total reviews: 6 Average rating: 2.5 of 5

I recommend this book to no one! 1 out of 5 stars.
9 of 21 people found this review helpful.

(..) The Journal of Southern History in the back of the book calls this an "unbiased prose". I can not believe how far from the truth that is. The book speaks of the Republican conservatives as militants and pro rich and anti poor. Paul Weyrich, a founder of the Heritage foundation in the early 70's is described specifically as a militant, yet it is interesting that James Carville and Paul Begala escape this label. Also Dick Morris is described as the brilliant tactician yet he is able to escape any moral qualifications, such as the famous immoral phone call with Clinton. Reagan and Bush are described as Presidents that gained success because they "exploited" the conservative mood of the country. They are described in the framework as men who are entirely in control of their success and failures, yet Clinton is described as the great synthesizer of circumstances that are out of his control. It is interesting the negative moral tone he attributes to Iran Contra of the Reagan Administration, yet when Whitewater is discussed it is pointed out that Clinton is faced with insidious attacks by the Republican Congress and that the Republicans are waiting in the wings, with the tone as though they circling vultures waiting for Clinton's imminent political death. He conveniently notes that there is no conclusive evidence in laying any guilt upon Clinton's involvement in Whitewater while leaving no mention that upon the outcome of Reagan's involvement in Iran Contra their was no proof that he contained any knowledge of the event. He pays considerable time and space to the desire of Reagan, Bush, the Christian Coalition, and the Moral Majority as being forces who are trying to infuse the issue of moral virtues on society, yet he fails to mention that due to the lack of interest of the Democratic party concerning morality that Clinton is the shining example of this moral complacency. He seems to view Clinton as this great Messiah. His election was the result of bringing back the Reagan Democrats into the party. He is a brilliant and shrewd politician that is able to effectively co-opt the Republicans and their agenda. He describes Clintons desire to govern at the center as a man who is trying to synthesize, yet fails to mention that another potential reason that he does this and this is a theory that is out there and also out during the time is that Clinton is someone who cares only about himself and his personal ambitions that are directly related to his moral depravity. He is a man who has no personal beliefs, heavily relies on focus groups in order to act at all so that he can attain personal glory in the spotlight. He is a man who, such as the Oslo accords, who needs to infuse himself into and be responsible for everything even though he played no role in the event. This just concerns morality. As far as the economy goes any jobs that are lost during the Reagan revelation are placed at the feet of Reaganomics, yet any jobs lost during the Clinton Administration are due to modernization and technological breakthroughs. Successes in the Reagan administration are qualified with rising debt, higher control of wealth by a fewer percentage of the population. Clinton on the other hand is a President who gains successes in spite of the Republicans that control congress. What were his successes according to Berman but higher taxes on the rich, an increase in minimum wage, welfare reform, and a booming economy? With more time and space quality counter arguments could easily be made to each. It is interesting how the welfare reform debate is framed in this book. It is framed as something that he wanted from the beginning and due to his desire for fairness he vetoed it twice due to Republican extremism and yet finally accepted it on the third time through with "reservations". Yet he fails to mention that as function of liberalism, one is effectively for everything. So, I would challenge Berman to find something that Clinton is not for. He speaks of symbolism of both Clinton and Reagan but fails to come to the conclusion that Reagan used Symbolism with Substance and Clinton used Symbolism without Substance, because Clinton is a man who would prefer to have the issue over the solution. I could go on and on and on.
The point here is not whether you agree with my views on Clinton or not, the point is that there are other views out there that Berman fails to explore. He needs to be more academically honest and analyze each Administration to the same standard. Instead, he continually holds the Republicans to one standard and fails to hold the Democrats to the same standard. It is clear that William C. Berman takes the predefining view in which Republicans are pro business, pro rich, malevolent men who need to be fought against by the Democrats, by such men as Clinton, who are pro labor, pro poor, pro minority and benevolent in their desires to create a better America. This book is a veiled academic propagandist piece that is bent to support that notion. I recommend this book to no one.

Editorial Review:

In America's Right Turn historian William Berman examines the political, cultural, and economic contexts in which Republican conservatives operated and explores the crisis of the liberal welfare state against the background of presidential politics. Berman demonstrates the key roles played by conservative populism and the conservative backlash to the rights revolution in the collapse of Democratic hegemony. But most importantly, he shows how conservative politics became allied with conservative economics--an alliance forged with singular success during the presidency of Ronald Reagan. In this new edition, Berman discusses the initial failure of the Clinton administration to establish a viable political alternative to the GOP. Berman also shows how Clinton won reelection in l996 by moving steadily to the center, even to the extent of co-opting the Republican agenda, while defending a number of key Democratic programs.

War Crimes: The Left's Campaign to Destroy Our Military and Lose the War on Terror

Robert "Buzz" Patterson

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Total reviews: 25 Average rating: 3.5 of 5

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This blistering indictment of the American Left lays bare the well-coordinated and well-financed campaign against our nation’s armed forces.

“Brilliant . . . Buzz takes on the enemy we are compelled to confront here at home, and he does so in the manner of all good combat veterans–no b.s., name by name, and driving headlong into the ambush."
—General Thomas G. McInerney, Fox News military

“To demonstrate the real-world consequences of those working to undermine U.S. efforts. . . [Patterson] went to the front lines to interview about 300 troops.”
—Philadelphia Inquirer

“Patterson doesn’t mince words.”
—Washington Times

“Nearly everyone claims to ‘support the troops,’ but War Crimes identifies the who, what, why, and how of those who, instead, actively undermine the mission our nation called our troops to do. . . Way to go, Colonel.”—Major Eric Egland (Air Force Reserve), author of The Troops Need You, America

How to Talk to a Liberal (If You Must): The World According to Ann Coulter

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Total reviews: 3 Average rating: 3.5 of 5

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Welcome to the world of Ann Coulter. With her monumental bestsellers Treason, Slander, and High Crimes and Misdemeanors, Coulter has become the most recognized and talked-about conservative intellectual in years—and certainly the most controversial. Now, in How to Talk to a Liberal (If You Must), which is sure to ignite impassioned debate, she offers her most comprehensive analysis of the American political scene to date. With incisive reasoning, refreshing candor, and razor-sharp wit, she reveals just why liberals have got it so wrong.

In this powerful and entertaining book, which draws on her weekly columns, Coulter ranges far and wide. No subject is off-limits, and no comment is left unsaid. After all, she writes, “Nothing too extreme can be said about liberals because it’s all true.” How to Talk to a Liberal (If You Must) offers Coulter’s unvarnished take on:

•The essence of being a liberal: “The absolute conviction that there is one set of rules for you, and another, completely different set of rules for everyone else.”

•John Kerry: “A reporter asked Kerry, ‘Are you for or against gay marriage?’ As usual, his answer was, ‘Yes.’ ”

•Her 9/11 comments: “I am often asked if I still think we should invade their countries, kill their leaders, and convert them to Christianity. The answer is: Now more than ever!”

•The state of the Democratic Party: “Teddy Kennedy crawls out of Boston Harbor with a quart of Scotch in one pocket and a pair of pantyhose in the other, and Democrats hail him as their party’s spiritual leader.”

•Her philosophy for arguing with liberals: “Tough love, except I don’t love them. My ‘tough love’ approach is much like the Democrats’ ‘middle-class tax cuts’—everything but the last word.”

•The “Treason Lobby”: “Want to make liberals angry? Defend the United States.”

In this full-on Coulterpalooza, you’ll find the real, uncensored Ann Coulter. A special concluding chapter even includes the pieces that squeamish editors refused to publish—“what you could have read if you lived in a free country,” says Coulter. How to Talk to a Liberal (If You Must) is a stunning reminder of why Ann Coulter’s commentary has achieved must-read status.

“A fluent polemicist with a gift for Menckenesque invective...and she can harness such language to subtle, syllogistic argument.”--Washington Post Book World

“Ann Coulter is a trailblazer.”--Los Angeles Times Book Review

“She can zing one-liners faster than Zeus can throw lightning bolts.”--Kansas City Star

“You know those pundits who bore you to tears trying to balance everyone’s point of view? Coulter isn’t one.”--People

“A great deal of research supports Ms. Coulter’s wisecracks.”--New York Times

“The conservative movement has found its diva.”--Bill Maher

“Ann Coulter is a pundit extraordinaire.”--Rush Limbaugh

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The Sack of Rome: Media + Money + Celebrity = Power = Silvio Berlusconi

Alexander Stille

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Editorial Review:

Award-winning author Alexander Stille has been called "one of the best English-language writers on Italy" by the New York Times Book Review, and in The Sack of Rome he sets out to answer the question: What happens when vast wealth, a virtual media monopoly, and acute shamelessness combine in one man? Many are the crimes of Silvio Berlusconi, Stille argues, and, with deft analysis, he weaves them into a single mesmerizing chronicle—an epic saga of rank criminality, cronyism, and self-dealing at the highest levels of power.

Michael Moore Is a Big Fat Stupid White Man

David T. Hardy, Jason Clarke

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Total reviews: 721 Average rating: 3.5 of 5

Editorial Review:

Watching Michael Moore in action—passing off manipulating facts in Bowling for Columbine, spinning statistics in Stupid White Men and Dude, Where's My Country?, shamelessly grandstanding at the Academy Awards, and epitomizing the hypocrisy he's made a king's fortune railing against—has spurred authors David T. Hardy and Jason Clarke to take action into their own hands. In Michael Moore Is a Big Fat Stupid White Man, Hardy and Clarke dish it back hard to the fervent prophet of the far left, turning a careful eye on Moore's use of camera tricks and publicity ploys to present his own version of the truth.

Postwar documentarians gave us the documentary, Rob Reiner gave us the mockumentary, and Moore initiated a third genre, the crockumentary.

How, they ask, does Moore pull off a proletarian, "man-of-the-people" image so at odds with his lifestyle as a fabulously wealthy Manhattanite? And how large of an impact do his incendiary, ill-founded polemics have on the growing community that follows him with near-religious devotion? Loaded with well-researched, solidly reasoned arguments, and laced with irreverent wit, Michael Moore Is a Big Fat Stupid White Man fires back at one of the left's biggest targets—politically and literally.

Hijacking America: How the Secular and Religious Right Changed What Americans Think

Susan George

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Editorial Review:

George Bush leaves the White House in January 2009 and the United States goes back to "normal", right? Wrong, argues Susan George in this fascinating, thorough and often chilling account of the decades-long transformation of American society and political culture. Using the four "Ms" - money, media, marketing, management--but above all with a keen sense of mission, the American secular and religious right has made its "long march through the institutions" and changed the way Americans think. As the left went about its business in blissful ignorance, convinced that its policies, programmes and projects spoke for themselves and would always prevail; the right's well-oiled machine of foundations, lobbies, think-tanks, publications, political cadres, lawyers and activist organisations slowly and strategically took over. A broad alliance of neo-liberals, neo-conservatives and the religious right successfully manufactured a new common sense, assaulted Enlightenment values and targeted the top of society where culture is created and legitimised, because they knew that ideas have consequences--and not just in the United States.

Hijacking America is that rarity of a book, a thoroughly researched page-turner. Clearly and gracefully written, it will enthral the general reader while providing plenty of factual nourishment for the student of politics, culture, religion or international relations. And for all those who hope for a different America in the future, the first step is to hold the present one up to the light and understand how it got that way.

Rebel in Chief: Inside the Bold and Controversial Presidency of George W. Bush

Fred Barnes

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Editorial Review:

“You can’t worry about being vindicated, because the truth of the matter is, when you do big things, it’s going to take a while for history to really understand.” —President Bush, in an exclusive interview with Fred Barnes for Rebel-in-Chief

With Rebel-in-Chief, veteran political reporter Fred Barnes provides the defining book on George W. Bush’s presidency, giving an insider’s view of how Bush’s unique presidential style and bold reforms are dramatically remaking the country—and, indeed, the world. In the process, Barnes shows, the president is shaking up Washington and reshaping the conservative movement.

Barnes has gained extraordinary access to the Bush administration for Rebel-in-Chief, conducting rare one-on-one interviews with President Bush, Vice President Dick Cheney, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld, and many other close presidential advisers. That access, along with Barnes’s extensive independent reporting and interviewing, produces an eye-opening look at this highly consequential—and controversial—presidency.

Rebel-in-Chief reveals:

• How Bush acts as an “insurgent force” in the nation’s capital—“a different kind of president” who is turning the Washington establishment on its ear

• How Bush is redefining conservatism for a new era—and creating a new Republican majority

• The inside story of how Bush has revolutionized American foreign policy—and how the president's crusade for democracy would have been anathema to Bush himself only five years ago

• When and why Bush decided to go into Iraq, even knowing that he was putting his political future at risk

• How a White House aide you've probably never heard of is shaping the Bush vision

• The surprising and important ways Bush's faith affects critical presidential decisions

• How Bush has outmaneuvered his political opponents and surprised members of the press who have dismissed him as an intellectual bantamweight

• How Bush routinely defies conventional wisdom because of his contempt for elite opinion and halfway reforms (“small-ball,” he calls them)—and why he usually wins

George W. Bush billed himself as a “different kind of Republican.” He has proved to be a different kind of president, too. And Fred Barnes’s riveting behind-the-scenes account helps us understand how much this “Rebel-in-Chief ” is reshaping the world around us.




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