Conservatism Books - Page 5

Souled Out: Reclaiming Faith and Politics after the Religious Right

E. J., Jr. Dionne

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Total reviews: 3 Average rating: 4.5 of 5

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The religious and political winds are changing. Tens of millions of religious Americans are reclaiming faith from those who would abuse it for narrow, partisan, and ideological purposes. And more and more secular Americans are discovering common ground with believers on the great issues of social justice, peace, and the environment. In Souled Out, award-winning journalist and commentator E. J. Dionne explains why the era of the Religious Right--and the crude exploitation of faith for political advantage--is over.

Based on years of research and writing, Souled Out shows that the end of the Religious Right doesn't signal the decline of evangelical Christianity but rather its disentanglement from a political machine that sold it out to a narrow electoral agenda of such causes as opposition to gay marriage and abortion. With insightful portraits of leading contemporary religious figures from Rick Warren and Richard Cizik to John Paul II and Benedict XVI, Dionne shows that our great religions have always preached a broad message of hope for more just human arrangements and refused to be mere props for the powers that be. Dionne also argues that the new atheist writers should be seen as a gift to believers, a demand that they live up to their proclaimed values and embrace scientific and philosophical inquiry in a spirit of "intellectual solidarity."

Written in the tradition of Reinhold and H. Richard Niebuhr, Souled Out will help change how we think and talk about religion and politics in the post-Bush era.

Crunchy Cons: How Birkenstocked Burkeans, gun-loving organic gardeners, evangelical free-range farmers, hip homeschooling mamas, right-wing nature lovers, ... America (or at least the Republican Party)

Rod Dreher

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Total reviews: 48 Average rating: 4.0 of 5

Editorial Review:

When a National Review colleague teased writer Rod Dreher one day about his visit to the local food co-op to pick up a week’s supply of organic vegetables (“Ewww, that’s so lefty”), he started thinking about the ways he and his conservative family lived that put them outside the bounds of conventional Republican politics. Shortly thereafter Dreher wrote an essay about “crunchy cons,” people whose “Small Is Beautiful” style of conservative politics often put them at odds with GOP orthodoxy, and sometimes even in the same camp as lefties outside the Democratic mainstream. The response to the article was impassioned: Dreher was deluged by e-mails from conservatives across America—everyone from a pro-life vegetarian Buddhist Republican to an NRA staffer with a passion for organic gardening—who responded to say, “Hey, me too!”

In Crunchy Cons, Dreher reports on the amazing depth and scope of this phenomenon, which is redefining the taxonomy of America’s political and cultural landscape. At a time when the Republican party, and the conservative movement in general, is bitterly divided over what it means to be a conservative, Dreher introduces us to people who are pioneering a way back to the future by reclaiming what’s best in conservatism—people who believe that being a truly committed conservative today means protecting the environment, standing against the depredations of big business, returning to traditional religion, and living out conservative godfather Russell Kirk’s teaching that the family is the institution most necessary to preserve.

In these pages we meet crunchy cons from all over America: a Texas clan of evangelical Christian free-range livestock farmers, the policy director of Republicans for Environmental Protection, homeschooling moms in New York City, an Orthodox Jew who helped start a kosher organic farm in the Berkshires, and an ex-sixties hippie from Alabama who became a devout Catholic without losing his antiestablishment sensibilities.

Crunchy Cons is both a useful primer to living the crunchy con way and a passionate affirmation of those things that give our lives weight and measure. In chapters dedicated to food, religion, consumerism, education, and the environment, Dreher shows how to live in a way that preserves what Kirk called “the permanent things,” among them faith, family, community, and a legacy of ancient truths. This, says Dreher, is the kind of roots conservatism that more and more Americans want to practice. And in Crunchy Cons, he lets them know how far they are from being alone.


A Crunchy Con Manifesto

1. We are conservatives who stand outside the conservative mainstream; therefore, we can see things that matter more clearly.

2. Modern conservatism has become too focused on money, power, and the accumulation of stuff, and insufficiently concerned with the content of our individual and social character.

3. Big business deserves as much skepticism as big government.

4. Culture is more important than politics and economics.

5. A conservatism that does not practice restraint, humility, and good stewardship—especially of the natural world—is not fundamentally conservative.

6. Small, Local, Old, and Particular are almost always better than Big, Global, New, and Abstract.

7. Beauty is more important than efficiency.

8. The relentlessness of media-driven pop culture deadens our senses to authentic truth, beauty, and wisdom.

9. We share Russell Kirk’s conviction that “the institution most essential to conserve is the family.”

Letters to a Young Conservative (The Art of Mentoring)

Dinesh D'Souza

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Total reviews: 86 Average rating: 4.0 of 5

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The best-selling enfant terrible of the Reagan revolution offers advice to today's budding conservatives--the very people he sees as the true "radicals" of tomorrow

Dinesh D'Souza rose to national prominence as one of the founders of the Dartmouth Review, a leading voice in the rebirth of conservative politics on college campuses in the 1980s.

He fired the first popular shot against political correctness with his best-selling exposŽ Illiberal Education. Now, after serving as a Reagan White House staffer, the managing editor of Policy Review, and a scholar at the American Enterprise Institute and the Hoover Institution, he addresses the next generation in Letters to a Young Conservative. Drawing on his own colorful experiences, both within the conservative world and while skirmishing with the left, D'Souza aims to enlighten and inspire young conservatives and give them weapons for the intellectual battles that they face in high school, college, and everyday life. Letters to a Young Conservative also illuminates the enduring themes that for D'Souza anchor the conservative position: not "family values" or patriotism, but a philosophy based on natural rights and a belief in universal moral truths.

With a light touch, D'Souza shows that conservatism needn't be stodgy or defensive, even though it is based on preserving the status quo. To the contrary, when a conservative has to expose basic liberal assumptions to scrutiny, he or she must become a kind of imaginative, fun-loving, forward-looking guerrilla--philosophically conservative but temperamentally radical.

Among the topics Dinesh D'Souza covers in Letters to a Young Conservative:

Fighting Political Correctness

Authentic vs. Bogus Multiculturalism

Why Government Is the Problem

When the Rich Get Richer

How Affirmative Action Hurts Blacks

The Feminist Mistake

All the News That Fits

How to Harpoon a Liberal

The Self-Esteem Hoax

A Republican Realignment?

Why Conservatives Should Be Cheerful

The Politics of Freedom: Taking on The Left, The Right and Threats to Our Liberties

David Boaz

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Total reviews: 6 Average rating: 4.5 of 5

I agree but disagree 3 out of 5 stars.
14 of 20 people found this review helpful.

While I agree with about 75 % of this book (I consider myself a libertarian-oriented Republican, or a libertarian, or maybe an independent)...

I have some issues with the book:

- I disagree with the entire discussion of smoking bans. The author refers to people who are for clean indoor air as "fascists". This is of course more than a bit ridiculous.

- The author contradicts himself. One example is that he excoriates Giuliani for cleaning up New York city by getting rid of "street vendors" and beggars. Later in the book, he criticizes U.S. cities for allowing "panhandlers". So which is it ? Are street vendors and panhandlers an expression of American individual liberty, or a menace ? He takes both positions at once.

- He focuses on the Founding Fathers' love of individual liberty, totally disregarding Hamilton's love of strong federal power.

- At one point he states that "free people" have a right to secession (where is that in the U.S. Constitution ?)

- I disliked his defense of "gated communities". He ignores the fact that in cities like Dallas (where I live), the communities have expropriated public streets and closed entire public areas and put gates across what before were public streets. So it is not just about the private sector. It is about the private sector taking over public roads. He ignores this. He defends gated communities, saying that they make people safer. But is it real safety, or is it fake safety. Again: not addressed.

- His basic philosophy is: public sector = bad, private sector = good. I think this is oversimplified. Don't I get anything for my tax money ? Ever been in Minnesota and seen the public services there, the roads, the rest stops, the public infrastructure ? Now go to a state that has low taxation (Mississippi or rural Texas), and compare basic services. I don't think his statement that the public sector is ALWAYS less efficient than the private sector is right. Was Enron a good use of societal resources ? Was Worldcom a good use of resources ?

Editorial Review:

Is it any wonder that Americans have become so dissatisfied with government today? Politicians have given us soaring federal spending, rampant violations of our constitutional rights, a futile war in Iraq, corruption, incompetence, and a growing nanny state. Now one of the leading libertarian critics of big government raises the flag of freedom. David Boaz takes on both liberals and conservatives who seek to impose their own partisan agendas on the whole country. He discusses the roots of American freedom, the growing libertarian vote in America, the arrogance of politicians, and everything from taxes and education to terrorism and the war on drugs. For the millions of Americans who don't fit the red-blue divide, who are fiscally conservative and socially liberal, who reject big-government conservatism and nanny-state liberalism, this book points the way to a new politics of freedom.

The Enemy At Home: The Cultural Left and Its Responsibility for 9/11

Dinesh D'Souza

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Total reviews: 133 Average rating: 3.0 of 5

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From THE ENEMY AT HOME:

“In this book I make a claim that will seem startling at the outset. The cultural left in this country is responsible for causing 9/11. … In faulting the cultural left, I am not making the absurd accusation that this group blew up the World Trade Center and the Pentagon. I am saying that the cultural left and its allies in Congress, the media, Hollywood, the nonprofit sector, and the universities are the primary cause of the volcano of anger toward America that is erupting from the Islamic world. The Muslims who carried out the 9/11 attacks were the product of this visceral rage—some of it based on legitimate concerns, some of it based on wrongful prejudice, but all of it fueled and encouraged by the cultural left. Thus without the cultural left, 9/11 would not have happened.

“I realize that this is a strong charge, one that no one has made before. But it is a neglected aspect of the 9/11 debate, and it is critical to understanding the current controversy over the ‘war against terrorism.’ … I intend to show that the left has actively fostered the intense hatred of America that has led to numerous attacks such as 9/11. If I am right, then no war against terrorism can be effectively fought using the left-wing premises that are now accepted doctrine among mainstream liberals and Democrats.”

Whenever Muslims charge that the war on terror is really a war against Islam, Americans hasten to assure them they are wrong.  Yet as Dinesh D’Souza argues in this powerful and timely polemic, there really is a war against Islam.  Only this war is not being waged by Christian conservatives bent on a moral crusade to impose democracy abroad but by the American cultural left, which for years has been vigorously exporting its domestic war against religion and traditional morality to the rest of the world.

D’Souza contends that the cultural left is responsible for 9/11 in two ways: by fostering a decadent and depraved American culture that angers and repulses other societies—especially traditional and religious ones— and by promoting, at home and abroad, an anti-American attitude that blames America for all the problems of the world. 

Islamic anti-Americanism is not merely a reaction to U.S. foreign policy but is also rooted in a revulsion against what Muslims perceive to be the atheism and moral depravity of American popular culture.  Muslims and other traditional people around the world allege that secular American values are being imposed on their societies and that these values undermine religious belief, weaken the traditional family, and corrupt the innocence of children. But it is not “America” that is doing this to them, it is the American cultural left. What traditional societies consider repulsive and immoral, the cultural left considers progressive and liberating.

Taking issue with those on the right who speak of a “clash of civilizations,” D’Souza argues that the war on terror is really a war for the hearts and minds of traditional Muslims—and traditional peoples everywhere.  The only way to win the struggle with radical Islam is to convince traditional Muslims that America is on their side.

We are accustomed to thinking of the war on terror and the culture war as two distinct and separate struggles. D’Souza shows that they are really one and the same.  Conservatives must recognize that the left is now allied with the Islamic radicals in a combined effort to defeat Bush’s war on terror. A whole new strategy is therefore needed to fight both wars.   “In order to defeat the Islamic radicals abroad,” D’Souza writes, “we must defeat the enemy at home.”

Rightward Bound: Making America Conservative in the 1970s

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Often considered a lost decade, a pause between the liberal Sixties and Reagan’s Eighties, the 1970s were indeed a watershed era when the forces of a conservative counter-revolution cohered. These years marked a significant moral and cultural turning point in which the conservative movement became the motive force driving politics for the ensuing three decades.

Interpreting the movement as more than a backlash against the rampant liberalization of American culture, racial conflict, the Vietnam War, and Watergate, these provocative and innovative essays look below the surface, discovering the tectonic shifts that paved the way for Reagan’s America. They reveal strains at the heart of the liberal coalition, resulting from struggles over jobs, taxes, and neighborhood reconstruction, while also investigating how the deindustrialization of northern cities, the rise of the suburbs, and the migration of people and capital to the Sunbelt helped conservatism gain momentum in the twentieth century. They demonstrate how the forces of the right coalesced in the 1970s and became, through the efforts of grassroots activists and political elites, a movement to reshape American values and policies.

A penetrating and provocative portrait of a critical decade in American history, Rightward Bound illuminates the seeds of both the successes and the failures of the conservative revolution. It helps us understand how, despite conservatism’s rise, persistent tensions remain today between its political power and the achievements of twentieth-century liberalism.

It's My Party Too: The Battle for the Heart of the GOP and the Future of America

Christine Todd Whitman

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Total reviews: 32 Average rating: 3.0 of 5

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"The people of this county deserve better from their politics and their politicians than they've been getting in recent years," writes Christine Todd Whitman in It's My Party Too. While hardly high praise for George W. Bush from a former member of his Cabinet (she served as director of the Environmental Protection Agency from January 2001 to May 2003), the real targets of her ire are some of her fellow Republicans who have forced the GOP to make a hard-right turn in recent years. Whitman argues that this shift poses a serious threat to the long-term health and competitiveness of the Republicans, a party in which moderates like Whitman, Colin Powell, Rudolph Giuliani, John McCain, Arnold Schwarzenegger, and George Pataki are paraded in public when necessary, but openly opposed behind the scenes. Whitman refers to those on the far right as "social fundamentalists" whose "mission is to advance their narrow ideological agenda" by using the government to impose their views on everyone else. Though she admits that evangelicals may have helped to win the 2004 election, they have claimed much more credit than they deserve for Bush's success, and she warns that catering to this narrow group will have consequences.

To achieve long-term success, she writes, the Republicans must move their focus back to the core issues that unite the true base of the party: less government, stronger national security, lower taxes combined with spending restraints, and job creation in the private sector--issues that have largely been pushed aside by efforts to ban abortion and embryonic stem cell research and a push to amend the Constitution to prohibit gay marriage. She also offers ideas for attracting more African Americans and women to the GOP, and highlights Republican environmental successes that have been ignored. It's My Party Too is a compelling analysis of the future of the Republican Party. --Shawn Carkonen

Impostor: How George W. Bush Bankrupted America and Betrayed the Reagan Legacy

Bruce Bartlett

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Total reviews: 40 Average rating: 4.0 of 5

Editorial Review:

George W. Bush came to the presidency in 2000 claiming to be the heir of Ronald Reagan. But while he did cut taxes, in most other respects he has governed in a way utterly unlike his revered predecessor, expanding the size and scope of government, letting immigration go unchecked, and allowing the federal budget to mushroom out of control.

Despite their strong misgivings, most conservatives remained silent during Bush’s first term. But a series of missteps and scandals, culminating in the ill-conceived nomination of Harriet Miers to the Supreme Court, has brought this hidden rift within the conservative movement crashing to the surface.

Now, in what is sure to be the political book of the season, Bruce Bartlett lays bare the incompetence and profligacy of Bush’s economic policies. A highly respected Washington economist—and true-believing Reaganite—Bartlett started out as a supporter of Bush and helped him craft his tax cuts. But he was dismayed by the way they were executed. Reagan combined his tax cuts with fiscal restraint, but Bush has done the opposite. Bartlett thus reluctantly concluded that Bush is not a Reaganite at all, but an unprincipled opportunist who will do whatever he or his advisers think is expedient to buy votes.

In this sober, thorough, and utterly devastating book, Bartlett attacks the Bush Administration's economic performance root and branch, from the "stovepiping" of its policy process to the coercive tactics used to ram its policies through Congress, to the effects of the policies themselves. He is especially hard on Bush’s enormous new Medicare entitlement…and predicts that within a few years, Bush's tax cuts and unrestricted spending will produce an economic crisis that will require a major tax increase, probably in the form of a European-style VAT.

Bartlett has surprisingly kind words for Bill Clinton, whose record on the budget was far better than Bush’s. Whatever else one may think of him, Bartlett argues, Clinton cut spending, abolished a federal entitlement program, and left a budget surplus. By contrast, Bush has increased spending, created a massive entitlement program, and produced the biggest deficits in American history.

In fact, Bartlett concludes, Bush is less like Reagan than like Nixon: an arch-conservative Republican, bitterly hated by liberals, who vainly tried to woo moderates by enacting big parts of the liberal program. It didn't work then, and it won't work now—and may have similar harmful effects for the GOP.

Reality Check: The Unreported Good News About America

Dennis Keegan, David West

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Total reviews: 8 Average rating: 5.0 of 5

Editorial Review:

Streaming headlines, round-the-clock broadcasts--we live in a world of twenty-four hour news. But lately, most of what we read and hear is either negative, biased, or both. Cutting through the gloomy reports and liberal slant are Dennis Keegan and David West with their brand new book, Reality Check: The Unreported Good News About America. Contrary to what the cynical reporters and politicians say, Keegan and West prove that America is still a shining city on a hill, with a low unemployment rate, high GDP, and enviable democracy. These are not opinions, but facts--based on statistics that the media isn't reporting because of political agendas, industry competition, and limited resources. In Reality Check, Keegan and West cut through the bias and spin to reveal:

* How our twenty-four hour news culture gives us more inaccurate information, not less
* Why the U.S. economy is doing better than we realize
* Why the recent rhetoric and politics of change may do more harm than good

In this age of information saturation, the need to question and critically think about what we're reading and hearing is more important than ever. In Reality Check, Keegan and West show us how to be discerning consumers and why the news about America is much better than the media would have you believe.

Why We Whisper: Restoring Our Right to Say It's Wrong

Jim DeMint, J. David Woodard

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Total reviews: 9 Average rating: 3.5 of 5

Why not? 5 out of 5 stars.
19 of 23 people found this review helpful.

The "opinion" by jg "saved" (maryland), as to why we should not buy this book, incorporates all the reasons the Marxists wish to silence us and stop us from even whispering. His Marxist view of God would force us to pay for his wish list of programs (his tithes, in his view), so he can feel like he did something for (he dared to say it) ---egad, be careful now---JESUS.

It seems to be the thing to do for Marxists to sit in their PJs in front of their PCs, bashing books that they have no intention of buying, so they can silence those for whom the Constitution gave the freedom of speech. This is why I am no longer one of them. The freedom of thought, speech, and disagreement is one of our most cherished rights, and they bend over backwards to silence all those with whom they disagree. Just for once, can any of you grow up and not review a book that you haven't read? Uhhhh yep, I thought not...

Editorial Review:

Why Whisper? calls on Americans who believe in traditional values to resist the urge to stay silent and thus safe under the shameless onslaught of pressure, intimidation, and ridicule from the San Francisco-loving, NY Times reading, multicultural, anti-business, French-first, tree-hugging secular progressives and liberal political elites.