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The Just War and Jihad: Violence in Judaism, Christianity, and Islam

The Just War and Jihad: Violence in Judaism, Christianity, and Islam Amazon Price: $20.45
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By: Prometheus Books
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Editorial Review:

In the long history of the monotheistic tradition, violence - often bloody with warfare - have not just been occasional but defining activities. Since 9/11, sociologists, religious historians, philosophers and anthropologists have examined the question of the roots of religious violence in new ways, and with surprising results. In November 2004, the Committee for the Scientific Examination of Religion brought together leading theorists at Cornell University to explore the question whether religions are viral forms of a general cultural tendency to violent action. Do religions, and especially the Abrahamic tradition, encourage violence in the imagery of their sacred writings, in their theology, and their tendency to see the world as a cosmos divided between powers of good and forces of evil? Is such violence a historical condition affecting all religious movements, or are some religions more prone to violence than others? The papers collected in this volume represent the independent and considered thinking of internationally known scholars from a variety of disciplines concerning the relationship between religion and violence, with special reference to the theories of 'just war' and 'jihad', technical terms that arise in connection with the theology of early medieval Christianity and early Islam, respectively.

The Concept of the Political

Carl Schmitt

The Concept of the Political Carl Schmitt Amazon Price: $14.00
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Total reviews: 12 Average rating: 4.5 of 5

The Political as Friend-Enemy Distinction. 5 out of 5 stars.
10 of 11 people found this review helpful.

This edition of Carl Schmitt's _Der Begriff des Politischens_ is translated by George Schwab and contains several interesting writings on Schmitt and his thought. In addition to _The Concept of the Political_ proper, this book also contains a "Foreward" by Tracy B. Strong, an "Introduction" by George Schwab, and ends with a series of notes on the book by Leo Strauss. Carl Schmitt was a legal scholar and political theorist during the time of the Third Reich who was raised in the Roman Catholic tradition. While unfortunately Schmitt joined the Nazi party, this should not prevent one from reading his otherwise important works which have much to say about the political and provide trenchant critiques of liberalism. Schmitt can be rightfully considered as one of the conservative revolutionaries, including such figures as Junger, Spengler, and Heidegger, who opposed liberalism in the period before the Second World War. Schmitt's writings were an important influence on Heidegger in particular, but have also seen a resurgence in their importance among the New Right and the Left as well. Schmitt was influenced by such political thinkers as Machiavelli, Hegel, and Hobbes, but also by Catholic counter-revolutionaries such as de Maistre and Donoso Cortes. This book lays out the essential details of his thought.

In _The Concept of the Political_, a book which profoundly criticizes liberalism, Schmitt essentially argues that the political must be understood in terms of the "friend-enemy" distinction. Schmitt explains how the state presupposes the concept of the political. In searching for a definition of the political, Schmitt explains how the state has become an absolute, total state in the twentieth century in contrast to the neutral, noninterventionist state of the nineteenth century. According to Schmitt, the political may be understood in terms of the distinction between friend and enemy, much as morality can be understood in terms of the distinction between good and evil, aesthetics in terms of the distinction between the beautiful and the ugly, economics in terms of the distinction between the profitable and the unprofitable. This distinction between friend-enemy provides the groundwork upon which Schmitt builds his concept of the political. Schmitt distinguishes the idea of the "enemy" from that understood in the private-individualistic sense as the competitor or partner in conflict in general as that of the private adversary. Schmitt offers an interesting interpretation of the dictum of Christ to "love your enemies" (Matthew 5:44, Luke 6:27) as indicating only the private enemy and not the political enemy. As proof of this, Schmitt offers the fact that Christians have not surrendered to the Muslims throughout the many centuries of conflict between the two groups. Schmitt also argues against pacifism claiming that eventually pacifism will be pushed into a "war against all war", leading ultimately to great destruction. Schmitt considers the case of the League of Nations and the reparations forced upon Germany and argues that rather than serving as a preventive against war the League of Nations has opened up new possibilities for war. Underlying all of this is the notion of the political. In addition, Schmitt contrasts "authoritarian" and "anarchistic" theories, arguing that the central difference between them is the view of human nature as fundamentally evil or good, respectively. Schmitt brings to the fore the thoughts of both Machiavelli and Hobbes on this point. Schmitt also contrasts the political to the economic, arguing against economic liberalism. Schmitt calls attention to the thinking of Fichte and Hegel, whose thought was subverted by Karl Marx. Schmitt also emphasizes the Catholic counter-revolutionaries who represented the forces of reaction such as de Maistre and Donoso Cortes. Schmitt brings out the contrast between the ideas of "freedom" and "progress" and those of "feudalism" and "reaction". Finally, Schmitt argues that a final war waged to expand economic power or a war to rid the world of war, while promoted as non-political or even anti-political will ultimately open up new ground for the friend-enemy distinction to be made yet again.

This book provides an excellent translation of one of Schmitt's most important works. The groundwork for the political understood as the friend-enemy distinction is laid out by Schmitt here. Schmitt's thinking continues to be important to many today, despite his apparent encounter with the dark side and his involvement with the Nazi regime. Schmitt would live the rest of his life in relative obscurity although he would continue to write and teach. While Schmitt disavowed his Nazi past, he also adamantly opposed the denazification procedures inflicted on Germany by the Allies. This book provides an excellent introduction to his political thought.

Editorial Review:

In this, his most influential work, legal theorist and political philosopher Carl Schmitt argues that liberalism's basis in individual rights cannot provide a reasonable justification for sacrificing oneself for the state. This edition of the 1932 work includes the translator's introduction (by George Schwab) which highlights Schmitt's intellectual journey through the turbulent period of German history leading to the Hitlerian one-party state. It also includes Leo Strauss's analysis of Schmitt's thesis and a foreword by Tracy B. Strong placing Schmitt's work into contemporary context.

Steal This Dream: Abbie Hoffman & the Countercultural REvolustion in America

Larry Sloman

Steal This Dream: Abbie Hoffman & the Countercultural REvolustion in America Larry Sloman List Price: $27.50
By: Doubleday
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Editorial Review:

Although there have been other biographies of the late-'60s radical dissident and counterculture publicist Abbie Hoffman, as well as his own writings such as Steal This Book, this oral biography strikes a valuable chord. Unlike other oral biographies--particularly those organized by George Plimpton around such figures as Edie Sedgwick and Truman Capote--with snobs waffling on about nothing much, the context of Hoffman's fame amid the political struggles of the '60s and '70s fits the mold of a many-voiced, democratic narrative. The interviews were carried out, selected, and assembled by the prolific Larry Sloman, former editor at National Lampoon and High Times, author of On the Road with Bob Dylan, and coauthor of Howard Stern's Private Parts and Miss America. In his own way, Hoffman could be a "shock jock" too, but during such gripping events as the Chicago Seven trial or demonstrations agains the Vietnam War, he could be funnier and sadder than Howard Stern ever was. Plagued by manic-depressive syndrome, psychosis, substance abuse, and relational problems, he ruined his life by choosing to deal drugs, which forced him to go underground for six years late in his life. Hoffman, who died of suicide, nevertheless possessed, as Sloman, who knew him from 1967 on, writes, an "incredibly sharp wit" and "charisma" that won him friends even when he was plainly exploiting them. A lively ride of a book, one that will bring back memories for anyone who lived through these parlous times of America's history. --Benjamin Ivry

Against Bosses, Against Oligarchies: A Conversation with Richard Rorty

Richard M. Rorty

Against Bosses, Against Oligarchies: A Conversation with Richard Rorty Richard M. Rorty Amazon Price: $12.95
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Total reviews: 4 Average rating: 4.0 of 5

Tough Guy Liberalism 3 out of 5 stars.
22 of 29 people found this review helpful.

This book is valuable if you are a Rorty fan and have followed his career. It is the best insight into his personality. Namely, his peeves and dislikes. For example although he is a staunch liberal, he strongly dislikes hand wringing extremists and nihilists. He really is a pull-yourself-up-by-your-bootstraps pragmatist. And if you push him too hard he pulls the gloves off. He is also a realist in the Aristotilean sense of he knows he is a well paid humanities professor living in an ivory tower (brownstone actually - Stanford) and that most of many of his (analytic) peers don't care for him. What I really like about Rorty, and this comes out clearly in this little book, is his attitude that the playing field has been leveled since Wittgenstein, Derrida, et.al. 'So hey, why not make the world a little better place than you found it?' (Kind of like what your Mom used to tell you.) What I don't like is his "blind eye" towards religion (as a friend who got his Ph.D. from him at Princeton once described him). But that's just the way it goes sometimes for some people. If you have read a lot of Rorty, get this book. If you haven't, then start where you are supposed to: Philosophy and the Mirror of Nature.

Editorial Review:

Nystrom and Puckett's pamphlet gives us the most comprehensive picture available of Richard Rorty's political views. This is Rorty being avuncular, cranky, and straightforward: his arguments on patriotism, the political left, and philosophy—as usual, unusual—are worth pondering. This pamphlet will appeal to all those interested in Rorty's distinct brand of pragmatism and leftist politics in the United States.

Hatred of Capitalism: A Semiotext(e) Reader

Hatred of Capitalism: A Semiotext(e) Reader Amazon Price: $15.96
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Sound Anthology 4 out of 5 stars.
3 of 3 people found this review helpful.

As an avid reader of numerous books published by Semiotext[e] I found this anthology to be an excellent sampling of essays and short-stories. There are a few pieces included which are pointless--some shortstories and interviews--but there are enough gems to make this book worthwhile.

The selling point for me was the two entries by Ulrike Meinhof (of the Baader-Meinhof Gang, RAF) entitled "Armed Anti-Imperialist Struggle". I've always been interested in the Red Army Faction (which, for some reason, other authors in this anthology call the "Red Army Fraction") so I was excited to read Meinhof's apologetics. Some of the Deleuze and Guattari entries were worth the purchase as well.

Editorial Review:

Jean Baudrillard meets Cookie Mueller in this gathering of French theory and new American fiction published in the Foreign Agents and Native Agents series over the last fifteen years. Texts by Kathy Acker, Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari, Shulamith Firestone, Eileen Myles, Tony Negri, Michelle Tea, Paul Virillio, and others attack questions of madness and capitalism, speed and subjectivity, global flows, and hyperreality. "You really oughta call your publication 'Hatred of Capitalism,'" Jack Smith drawled in the 1980s. Hatred of Capitalism presents models of radical subjectivity in theory and practice.

The Radical Right in Britain: Social Imperialism to the BNP (British History in Perspective)

Alan Sykes

The Radical Right in Britain: Social Imperialism to the BNP (British History in Perspective) Alan Sykes Amazon Price: $36.95
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Editorial Review:

In many and varied forms, the Radical Right has been a hyper-nationalist thorn in the side of Britain's liberal political system for over 100 years. This survey examines its troublesome history, and its critique of British society, from its origins in Edwardian fears of imperial disintegration and racial decay to the current resurgence of the newly modernized British National Party.

Intellectual Origins of American Radicalism

Straughton Lynd

Intellectual Origins of American Radicalism Straughton Lynd List Price: $10.95
By: Harvard University Press
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Fire in the Hearth: The Radical Politics of Place in America (The Year Left, Vol 4)

Mike Davis

Fire in the Hearth: The Radical Politics of Place in America (The Year Left, Vol 4) Mike Davis List Price: $69.95
By: Verso Books
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Achieving Our Country : Leftist Thought in Twentieth-Century America

Richard Rorty

Achieving Our Country : Leftist Thought in Twentieth-Century America Richard Rorty Amazon Price: $28.50
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By: Harvard University Press
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Editorial Review:

There are many shameful incidents in America's past: the institution of slavery, genocidal assaults on the indigenous peoples of this continent, the escalation of the Vietnam War, and so on. What should our response to such acts be? Should we regard the nation as irredeemably tainted by sin and spend our time cataloging its evils, or should we acknowledge its shortcomings and make a conscious effort to turn it into a better nation?

Philosopher Richard Rorty believes that there is hope for America, but that today's Left is not meeting the challenge. He contrasts the cultural, academic Left's focus on our heritage of shame (which, he admits, has to the extent that it makes hatred intolerable had the positive effect of making America a more civil society) with the politically engaged reformist Left of the early part of this century. "The distinction between the old strategy and the new is important," he writes. "The choice between them makes the difference between what Todd Gitlin calls common dreams and what Arthur Schlesinger calls disuniting Americans. To take pride in being black or gay is an entirely reasonable response to the sadistic humiliation to which one has been subjected. But insofar as this pride prevents someone from also taking pride in being an American citizen, from thinking of his or her country as capable of reform, or from being able to join with straights or whites in reformist initiatives, it is a political disaster."

Not everyone, to be sure, is going to agree with Rorty's ideas. But his approach to civic life, which is pragmatic in the tradition of John Dewey and visionary in the tradition of Walt Whitman, is bound to provoke increased discussion of what it is to be a citizen, and his call for a renewed awareness of the history of American reformist activism can only be applauded.

Holding Aloft the Banner of Ethiopia: Caribbean Radicalism in Early Twentieth Century America

Winston James

Holding Aloft the Banner of Ethiopia: Caribbean Radicalism in Early Twentieth Century America Winston James Amazon Price: $22.00
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A major history of the impact of Caribbean migration to the United States. Marcus Garvey, Claude McKay, Claudia Jones, C.L.R. James, Stokely Carmichael, Louis Farakhan -- the roster of immigrants from the Caribbean who have made a profound impact on the development of radical politics in the United States is extensive. In this magisterial and lavishly illustrated work, Winston James focuses on the twentieth century's first waves of immigrants from the Caribbean and their contribution to political dissidence in America. Examining the way in which the characteristics of the societies they left shaped their perceptions of the land to which they traveled, Winston James draws sharp differences between Hispanic and English-speaking arrivals. He explores the interconnections between the Cuban independence struggle, Puerto Rican nationalism, Afro-American feminism, and black communism in the first turbulent decades of the twentieth century. He also provides fascinating insights into the impact of Puerto Rican radicalism in New York City and recounts the remarkable story of Afro-Cuban radicalism in Florida.

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