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Revolution at the Gates: Zizek on Lenin, the 1917 Writings

V. I. Lenin

Revolution at the Gates: Zizek on Lenin, the 1917 Writings V. I. Lenin Amazon Price: $12.92
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Customer Reviews:
Total reviews: 4 Average rating: 4.0 of 5

Why Lenin Why Now? 5 out of 5 stars.
15 of 17 people found this review helpful.

It's always fascinating why an intellectual might be drawn toward a persona, well here one of the greatest political strategists of the century, the last one. Lenin is not one one can warm up to with the vagaries of history for his succession the monstrous detour from Trotsky to Stalin.
Marx yes with his early philosophical searchings of humanism, creating a new science of historical man/woman, and then his work on capital exposing the whys and wherefors for greed, profit,work, distribution and circulation, even Wall Street Sharks find Marx interesting if detestable. But Lenin (so we are told) failed to ignite a revolution that sustained itself, and won, like it is a game of soccer!, the deep complexities of Mother Russia transforming itself after centuries of barbarism was more than formidable.

Lenin for Zizek represents a way out of the impasse of the present, the current digitalization and virtualization of reality of the consumer of the culture of un-change,(to have a revolution, you need a revolution) The neo-liberal order it is clear still requires escape valves the World Bank and the IMF, wars famines,death squads,corruption, massacres, poverty and environmental rape to sustain itself. For there is a man at the end still waiting for surplus value. Lenin's work represents a way out of the impasse of subjectivity of change. Now that deconstruction, and structuralisms, postmodernities vigours haven't produced tangible change we have returned to the Badiou-ian "truth-event" for which Lenin is a guide to action of sorts.

Lenin for Zizek was one who worked his way out of the impasse he always found himself in as best he could, where he bewildered many of this comrades adopting positions few could see the immediate results. Lenin as well had to fall backwards,while in power making compromises with the Western democracies who simply wanted a reversion to the Czar for starts,then as a pretext to steal Mother Russia for natural and strategic purposes, something a perennial pattern we find now within the Middle East. Also for the burgeoning years of the 20th Century how can we have a functioning communist state,that confiscated the property of the former ruling classes, this revolution stuff might spill over into other industrial powers as it almost did in Germany.
The tour de force here is Zizek's essay "Repeating Lenin", a turgid yet focused theoretical romp into Left iconic history, shibboleths with Hegel and Lacan by his side. Zizek for instance finds affinity with Adorno's "Negative Dialectics", as another impasse similar to Lenin's "Philosophical Notebooks" of 1915. Both found themselves working their way through a reality. With Lenin though he assumed completion, the seizure of power, whereas with Adorno he found no way out toward change; cultural political or otherwise.

Lenin's primary texts are here reproduced, ones Zizek found useful.

Editorial Review:

Lenin's writings of 1917 are testament to a formidable political figure. They reveal his ability to grasp the significance of an extraordinary moment in history. Whatever the discussion—the forthcoming crisis of capitalism, the possibility of redeeming violence, the falsity of liberal tolerance—Slavoj Zizek believes that Lenin's time has come again.

Mao: A Life

Philip Short

Mao: A Life Philip Short By: Hodder & Stoughton Ltd
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Customer Reviews:
Total reviews: 31 Average rating: 4.0 of 5

A nuanced portrait of a complex man. 5 out of 5 stars.
110 of 115 people found this review helpful.

Of all the great 20th century dictators, Mao seems the hardest to fathom. This is probably because of the way his mind worked and the peculiarities of his weltenschaung. It is useless to pin down his psyche with a choice quotation or two. The man who famously said that "power flows out of the barrel of a gun" has also been reported as saying that it is "a mistake to believe that weapons decide everything". Above all -- in Phillip Short's excellent biography -- Mao comes across as a man of contradictions. He saw the world in dialectical, yin-yang terms. One feels, almost, that the great turmoils he unleashed were his way of ensuring that the great proletarian revolution remained permanant and forever dialectical and always violent. Stasis would be bad for China.

To those brought up under a western-inspired education system and world-view, Mao seems like a capricious crank, a heartless monster. In Philip Short's treatment, however, Mao displays a preternatural sense of nuance and subtlety of thought, and a finely-honed sense of brinkmanship (as in the Cultural Revolution where he let loose the forces of revolution upon the Party itself).

And what of his legacy ? Short argues that an important distinction needs to be made between Mao and the other dictators: The overwhelming majority of deaths under his rule were the unintended consequence of policies, not the deliberate genocide of a class of people (like the Jews or the Kulaks). Mao's cavalier attitude towards deaths on a massive scale is acknowledged. To Mao, a million deaths is merely a part of the dialectics of revolution. In this sense he was indeed a monster.

Today China is a capitalist country in all but name. I think Mao would have seen this as a natural state of affairs, given the contradictions inherent in world history.If he were to come back from the grave, he would judge that the time is now ripe for him to unleash another great upheaval. Capitalist stasis is also not good !

The Movement of Movements: A Reader

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Total reviews: 2 Average rating: 5.0 of 5

Editorial Review:

The Movement of Movements charts the strategic thinking behind the mosaic of movements currently challenging neoliberal globalization. Leading theorists and activists—the Zapatistas' Subcomandante Marcos, Chittaroopa Palit from the Indian Narmada Valley dam protests, Soweto anti-privatization campaigner Trevor Ngwane, Brazilian Sem Terra leader João Pedro Stedile, and many more—discuss their personal formation as radicals, the history of their movements, their analyses of globalization, and the nuts and bolts of mobilizing against a US-dominated world system.

Explaining how the Global South and the experience of indigenous peoples have provided such a dynamic and practical inspiration, the contributors describe the roles anarchism and direct democracy have played, the contributions and limitations of the World Social Forum at Porto Alegre as a coordinating focus, and the effects of and responses to the economic downturn, September 11, and Washington's war on terror as they affect a "movement of movements".

Contributors include: Cesar Benjamin, Consulta Popular; Walden Bello, Focus on the Global South; José Bové, Confédération Paysanne; Bernard Cassen, ATTAC; David Graeber; Michael Hardt; Naomi Klein; Subcomandante Marcos, interviewed by Gabriel García Márquez; Tom Mertes; Bhumika Muchhala, Students Against Sweatshops; Trevor Ngwane, Soweto Electricity Crisis Committee; Njoki Njehu, Fifty Year Is Enough; Chittaroopa Palit, Narmada Bachao Andolan; Emir Sader; John Sellers, Ruckus Society; João Pedro Stedile, Sem Terra Movement; Immanuel Wallerstein.

The Art of Democracy 2nd Edition: A Concise History of Popular Culture in the United States

Jim Cullen

The Art of Democracy 2nd Edition: A Concise History of Popular Culture in the United States Jim Cullen Amazon Price: $21.00
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Editorial Review:

"Cullen's strength comes from his understanding of how the different strands of American society intertwine in imaginative, unpredictable ways ... The shape and vitality of pop culture's next era will depend, at least in part, on commentators like Cullen."
Washington Post Book World

"A thoroughly engaging look at American culture ... Cullen's articulate prose is spiced with wicked wit and he loves a good story ... Demonstrates a sophisticated understanding of complex cultural forces."
Publishers Weekly

"Reflecting both the strengths and weaknesses of an unusually dynamic area of historical scholarship, The Art of Democracy is one of the best surveys of the history of American popular culture."
Journal of American History

"An exceptionally well-written and engrossing introduction to the nonelitist art forms of American popular culture ... Highly recommended."
Library Journal, starred review

"Should be kept on hand to restore our faith in the things that matter to us."
American Studies

Popular culture has been a powerful force in the United States, resonating within the society as a whole and at the same time connecting disparate and even hostile constituencies. The novels of the late 18th and early 19th centuries, the theater and minstrel shows of the mid-19th century, movies and the introduction of television and computers in the 20th century are the building blocks that Jim Cullen uses to show how unique and vibrant cultural forms overcame initial resistance and enabled historically marginalized groups to gain access to the fruits of society and recognition from the mainstream.

This updated edition contains a new preface and final chapter which traces the history of contemporary computing from its World War II origins as a military tool to its widespread use in the late 20th century as a tool for the masses. Cullen shows how the computer is reshaping popular culture, and how that culture retains its capacity to surprise and disturb.

The highly acclaimed first edition of The Art of Democracy won the 1996 Ray and Pat Brown Award for "Best Book," presented by the Popular Culture Association.

Romantic Revolutionary: A Biography of John Reed

Robert A. Rosenstone

Romantic Revolutionary: A Biography of John Reed Robert A. Rosenstone List Price: $12.95
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Customer Reviews:
Total reviews: 4 Average rating: 3.5 of 5

An exceptional examination of an exceptional life! 4 out of 5 stars.
9 of 9 people found this review helpful.

An epic tour-de-force which examines the fascinating life of John Reed, the only American to be buried in the Kremlin Wall. An ecclectic mix of personalities - from Lenin to Gertrude Stein, from Lincoln Steffens to Teddy Roosevelt - pass thru the tapestry which was Reed's life, each having their own unique impact on the art which remains. From his childhood in stoic Portland Oregon to his years in Harvard and New York to his coming of age in Mexico covering the Villa revolution, Reed absorbed experience and reflected his concept of justice and equality in his writing. Each stop along the way was preparation for Reed's ultimate mission - to report on the earth-shattering 1917 Russian Revolution. The book "Ten Days in October" is still the seminal work on the topic, and this book delves into the evolution of Reed from middle-class dabbler to full-blown Socialist commentator. Mr. Rosenstone does the man justice - well-documented, fair, and without overt "gushiness". An exceptional read.

Terror by Quota: State Security from Lenin to Stalin (an Archival Study) (The Yale-Hoover Series on Stalin, Stalinism, and the Cold War)

Paul R. Gregory

Terror by Quota: State Security from Lenin to Stalin (an Archival Study) (The Yale-Hoover Series on Stalin, Stalinism, and the Cold War) Paul R. Gregory Amazon Price: $25.20
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Total reviews: 1 Average rating: 5.0 of 5

Editorial Review:

This original analysis of the workings of Soviet state security organs under Lenin and Stalin addresses a series of questions that have long resisted satisfactory answers. Why did political repression affect so many people, most of them ordinary citizens? Why did repression come in waves or cycles? Why were economic and petty crimes regarded as political crimes? What was the reason for relying on extra-judicial tribunals? And what motivated the extreme harshness of punishments, including the widespread use of the death penalty?

 

Through an approach that synthesizes history and economics, Paul Gregory develops systematic explanations for the way terror was applied, how terror agents were recruited, how they carried out their jobs, and how they were motivated. The book draws on extensive, recently opened archives of the Gulag administration, the Politburo, and state security agencies themselves to illuminate in new ways terror and repression in the Soviet Union as well as dictatorships in other times and places.

Ghostly Demarcations: A Symposium on Jacques Derrida's Specters of Marx (Radical Thinkers)

Jacques Derrida, Terry Eagleton, Frederic Jameson, Antonio Negri

Ghostly Demarcations: A Symposium on Jacques Derrida's Specters of Marx (Radical Thinkers) Jacques Derrida, Terry Eagleton, Frederic Jameson, Antonio Negri Amazon Price: $11.01
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Editorial Review:

Major theorists discuss Derrida's most political work and Derrida responds.

Fredric Jameson, Antonio Negri, Terry Eagleton, Pierre Macherey and others engage in a debate on Marx with Jacques Derrida With the publication of Specters of Marx in 1993, Jacques Derrida redeemed a longstanding pledge to confront Marx's texts directly and in detail. His characteristically bravura presentation provided a provocative re-reading of the classics in the Western tradition and posed a series of challenges to Marxism. In a timely intervention in one of today's most vital theoretical debates, the contributors to Ghostly Demarcations respond to the distinctive program projected by Specters of Marx. The volume features sympathetic meditations on the relationship between Marxism and deconstruction by Fredric Jameson, Werner Hamacher, Antonio Negri, Warren Montag, and Rastko Mcnik, brief polemical reviews by Terry Eagleton and Pierre Macherey, and sustained political critiques by Tom Lewis and Aijaz Ahmad. The volume concludes with Derrida's reply to his critics in which he sharpens his views about the vexed relationship between Marxism and deconstruction.

"Verso's beautifully designed Radical Thinkers series, which brings together seminal works by leading left-wing intellectuals, is a sophisticated blend of theory and thought. The authors whose writings are included in the series have worked tirelessly to expose the mechanisms by which culture and knowledge are manufactured, managed and controlled."—Ziauddin Sardar, New Statesman

The State and Revolution (Twentieth Century Classics)

Vladimir Ilyich Lenin

The State and Revolution (Twentieth Century Classics) Vladimir Ilyich Lenin Amazon Price: $11.20
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Customer Reviews:
Total reviews: 10 Average rating: 4.0 of 5

Revolutionary Classic 5 out of 5 stars.
18 of 20 people found this review helpful.

I believe this is the best, concise revolutionary analysis of the role of the State ever written.
I find it very annoying that here in the US, while many students may cursorily read the Communist Manifesto in school, I have never once met ANYONE in my life who has read the basic works of Lenin except for avowed Marxists (and only a minority of these)....and being a Communist myself, I have asked several students, and often looked through university bookstores to see if any poli-sci or history professors would break the "no Lenin allowed" rule.
Consequently, there are many people on the "left" who pretend to understand Marx and/or Marxism, but still make the exact same errors to which Lenin here responded over 80 years ago.
For example, someone just this week argued to me than Lenin was "not a real Marxist" (!!!) because he "introduced" the notion of "dictatorship of the proletariat", which was "alien" to Marx (hint: read Chapter 4 of Marx's Critique of the Gotha Programme for just one of many passages which prove this notion
totally false). State and Revolution gives many more examples of extensive quotes from Marx & Engels. One of the greates merits of S&R is that it restores the revolutionary essence to Marx, which was obscured and watered-down by the Social Democrat reformists of the 2nd International led by Karl Kautsky. Incidentally, the concept of the "dictatorship of the proletariat" has been much distorted by capitalist demagogues and anti-communist "leftists" into something completely alien to its original meaning.
To all "Left academics" and others, don't assume (or pretend) you know anything about Marx or Lenin if you've never read them...If you have to be an academic "armchair radical", at least try to get the basic facts right instead of misrepresenting what they stood for...There's no shame in not having read Lenin (join the vast majority), but it's disgusting to just pass off what you've heard about Lenin from "bourgie" intellectuals as the truth (when the truth is those intellectuals never read Lenin either most likely).
There are not a few pseudo-Marxist fakers in academia, who do more damage to popular revolutionary understanding (in the name of Marxism) than do the outright enemies of socialism. NO WONDER these "Left" anti-communist professors don't assign a book like State and Revolution, they're still trying to pass off the same lies and distortions about revolutionary Marxism that Lenin and other genuine revolutionaries tear to shreds in works like S&R.
I dedicate State and Revolution to all the "Marxian" fakers who still try to paint Marx as a mere liberal humanist reformer, and strip him of his revolutionary essence.

Editorial Review:

"State and Revolution" was written by Lenin during August-September, 1917, while he was living in hiding in Helsingfors. It was not published, however, until 1918. According to the draft of the original plan made by Lenin, the work was to contain not only a theoretical analysis of the theory of the state by Marx and Engels, but also a consideration of the 'the experience of the Russian Revolutions of 1905 and 1917' from the point of view of this theory. But the October Revolution and the necessity to devote every effort to the immediate practical work interfered with the conclusion of the work begun.

Eugene V. Debs: Citizen and Socialist (The Working Class in American History)

Nick Salvatore

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Customer Reviews:
Total reviews: 4 Average rating: 4.0 of 5

The most dangerous man in America! 5 out of 5 stars.
17 of 18 people found this review helpful.

He was dubbed an undesirable citizen by so-called progressive Teddy Roosevelt. The best biography of Debs to date. It shows his working class background and radical roots in his family. You can see his evolution from democrat and trade unionist to socialist and industrial unionist. His frustration with mainstream politics leads to his trade union agitation. The failure of the AFL railroad brotherhoods to work together spurs him on to create an industrial union of all railroad workers called the American Railway Union. While in jailed in Illinois after the Pullman Strike of 1894 is crushed he becomes a socialist. He helps unites the various factions into the Socialist Party of America in 1901. That same year he merges the broken ARU with the Western Federation of Miners to form the American Labor Union, which adopts socialism. He helps form the Industrial Workers of the World in 1905 which seeks to organize all workers into One Big Union. He leaves the IWW when in rejects politics. During WWI while other socialists give in to nationalism he remains militantly anti-war. In 1917 he refuses to support America's enterance into the war and remains undecided on the Russian Revolution. While in prison for trying to subvert the war effort he recieves over a million votes for president. His party disintegrates in dispute between Hawks and Doves, and reformers and revolutionaries. A fascinating story.

Editorial Review:

In this classic book, Nick Salvatore offers a major reevaluation of Eugene V. Debs, the movements he launched, and his belief in American Socialism as an extension of the nation's democratic traditions.

The Naked Communist

W. Cleon Skousen

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Total reviews: 10 Average rating: 4.0 of 5

Don't mistake communism as harmless; READ THIS BOOK! 5 out of 5 stars.
48 of 56 people found this review helpful.

I got this book as a gift from my brother, stemming from a conversation in which I said, `communism isn't really such a horrible thing, it's just not a practical form of government because greed and corruption will never allow people to share things equally'. I was given this book to correct that misunderstanding. And this book did that brilliantly.

Skousen begins with a description of the Marxist mindset, delving even into the lives and times of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, Marx's colleague and probably his only friend. Such insight lays the groundwork for understanding Communism and its reasons for being, which at best are selfish and demeaning. Using proto-communists' own words, whether from the Communist Manifesto or from correspondence among Marx and others, Skousen shows that the very philosophical foundations of Marxism and Communism are flawed and misleading. For myself, I began to understand that Marx's bitterness about his own station in life and his seeming inability to function in a competitive, capitalist world led him to a philosophy that claimed it could undo all the so-called iniquities of that capitalist world. Thus the myth of Communism as a great equalizer was born.

Many people, myself once included, tend to think that that is all there is to Communism: everyone is equal and all possessions are shared equally. Others claim that the Bible provides support for this way of life and that the communal life described therein is an early example of Communism. Still others might claim that our founding fathers would have approved of Communism because of its purported equality. Skousen aptly debunks these and other misconceptions surrounding Communism and Marxist theory. He then moves on to describe, again using their own words, how Communism calls for violent, subversive acts in order to bring about revolution so that the common workers may seize power.

Following this harrowing exposure of Communism is a blistering tour of late 19th and early 20th century history, detailing in particular the genesis and early activities of the Communist party in Europe and ultimately Russia. Let's just say that, having investigated some of the historical dates myself, I am surprised at how often the history of the Bolshevik revolution is sanitized and portrayed as some sort of liberation of the masses from the Tsars. I'm further surprised to learn that a democratic and limited monarchy was in the works to replace the oppression of the Tsars in the wake of Bloody Sunday when the Bolsheviks hijacked the revolution and drove the country toward Communism instead. How? All I can say is read the book. You might find some disturbing parallels to current events.

Skousen then proceeds through the Depression and WWII years (a major eye-opener for me, and I'm a serious WWII history buff) and follows with a perspective of the early Cold War years that I found informative. All in all, this book is fundamental in understanding the true nature of Communism, its distinction from the more benign forms of socialism, and the hypocritical way many people distinguish the despicable acts of Communists from those equally pernicious acts perpetrated by the Nazis. By the time you finish this book, you will either dismiss it all blithely or you will come to understand that Lenin and Stalin were as evil in many respects as Hitler and his cabal were. But if you think that Communism is just another form of government, or just another political party, or even just a harmless, altruistic philosophy, then you NEED to read this book. I did and I have never looked at history, or current events the same way since.

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