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America's Communal Utopias

America's Communal Utopias List Price: $60.00
By: University of North Carolina Press
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Total reviews: 1 Average rating: 5.0 of 5

Editorial Review:

"Brings into sharp focus a hitherto ill-mapped stretch of American social-history terrain. "From The Foreword By Paul Boyer A comprehensive look at the religious and secular movements that produced America's most noted communal utopias From the Shakers to the Branch Davidians, America's communal utopians have captured the popular imagination. Seventeen original essays here demonstrate the relevance of such groups to the mainstream of American social, religious, and economic life. The contributors examine the beliefs and practices of the most prominent utopian communities founded before 1965, including the long-overlooked Catholic monastic communities and Jewish agricultural colonies. Also featured are the Ephrata Baptists, Moravians, Shakers, Harmonists, Hutterites, Inspirationists of Amana, Mormons, Owenites, Fourierists, Icarians, Janssonists, Theosophists, Cyrus Teed's Koreshans, and Father Divine's Peace Mission. Based on a new conceptual framework known as developmental communalism, the book examines these utopian movements throughout the course of their development -- before, during, and after their communal period. Each chapter includes a brief chronology, giving basic information about the group discussed. An appendix presents the most complete list of American utopian communities ever published.

The Bending Cross: A Biography of Eugene Victor Debs

Ray Ginger

The Bending Cross: A Biography of Eugene Victor Debs Ray Ginger List Price: $40.00
By: Truman State University Press
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Total reviews: 6 Average rating: 4.5 of 5

Obsessive honesty 4 out of 5 stars.
11 of 12 people found this review helpful.

Zealot, compassionate, humane, intemperate, ambitious, intensely honest and driven to greatness despite his flaws -- such is the biographical picture aptly drawn by Ray Ginger in this highly readable biography of Eugene Debs, five time socialist candidate for President of the United States.

Hardly ever without hope, Eugene Debs faced overwhelming odds in trying to change society for the better. His initial goal was to strengthen the labor movement, to give it suficient power to negotiate with its bosses. His intense dedication and his obsessive honesty gave new life first to the Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen in the late 19th Century and then for nearly 50 years his great energy served the labor movement in general. Even though he came from a middle class merchant family, Debs recoiled at the cruel advantage big corporations took of its laborers who were forced to toil long hours for low pay under miserable conditions. He was their dynamic, compassionate general who led non-violent, wide-spread strikes to force employers to agree to improve the lot of the people who worked for them.

Debs was not always successful but he succeeded in so many ways that his followers and admirers elevated him to near sainthood.

Ray Ginger has sifted through a monumental amount of written material to produce a fascinating study of a man who deserves to join the ranks of Great Americans in History. Though a paeon to Debs, Mr. Ginger did not gloss over Debs' faults: his naivete, his drunken bouts, his inflexibility and even his bigotry.

A minor point: Mr. Ginger incorrectly writes Vladimir Ilich Lenin's first name as "Nicolai" -- several times. How such an error escaped an otherwise thorough author or his editors was a mild distraction. Nevertheless, for those interested in the history of labor unions in the United States, this book is a 'must-have'.

Editorial Review:


Let the people take heart and hope everywhere, for the cross is bending, the midnight is passing, and joy cometh with the morning.-Eugene Debs in 1918


This moving biography presents the definitive story of the life and legacy of the most eloquent spokesperson and leader of the US labor and socialist movements. With a new introduction by Mike Davis.

The Politics of Authenticity

Doug Rossinow

The Politics of Authenticity Doug Rossinow List Price: $51.50
By: Columbia University Press
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Total reviews: 2 Average rating: 5.0 of 5

Editorial Review:

In the 1960s a left-wing movement emerged in the United States that not only crusaded against social and economic exploitation, but also confronted the problem of personal alienation in everyday life. These new radicals - young, white, raised in relative affluence - struggled for peace, equality and social justice. Their struggle was cultural as well as political, a search for meaning and authenticity that marked a new phase in the long history of American radicalism. This text tells the story of the new left, illustrating the spiritual dimension of student activism. The author provides an account of how this radical movement developed in a campus environment - the University of Texas at Austin, one of the most important new left centres in the United States - while linking local developments to the national scene. Rossinow argues that the movement was deeply entwined with a personal quest for authenticity. This search reached a fever pitch during the decades of the 1950s, 1960s and 1970s as a moral imperative that intersected with the struggle for social justice. He shows the continuity between the religious search for meaning in the 1950s and the secular search for wholeness and realness in the new left and the counterculture. Rossinow also demonstrates the pivotal role played by the civil rights movement in forging these connections in the minds of white American youth and explains the new left's role as a force acting on its own to foment rebellion in white America. This study links the diverse strands of radical movements, from women's liberation to civil rights. Rossinow revises traditional images of radicalism and offers fresh insights on the gendered nature of the search for authenticity, and the reaction of feminists to issues of masculinity among radical men.

The Conquest of Bread

Peter Kropotkin

The Conquest of Bread Peter Kropotkin List Price: $17.50
By: New York University Press
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Total reviews: 2 Average rating: 5.0 of 5

A Neglected Classic 5 out of 5 stars.
0 of 0 people found this review helpful.

Peter Kropotkin's 'Conquest of Bread' helps point the way toward a future ruled, not by greed and oppression, but by fairness, rational division of labour, and humanity. This book is an antidote for the bugbears of state socialism and 'liberal' capitalism.

The Conquest of Bread 5 out of 5 stars.
0 of 0 people found this review helpful.

Peter Kropotkin was a Russian prince who lived during times of great flux in his country. He was born to nobility during the "last hurrah" of the tsarist regime. He witnessed the disintegration of that regime through the early decades of the 20th century, and before he died, he watched as the Bolsheviks consolidated their power, substituting one authoritarian system for another. It would have been easy for Kropotkin to maintain his aristocratic life, which would have brought him tremendous privileges even after the fall of tsarism, but he renounced his title and became one of anarchism's foremost theorists.

The Conquest of Bread is one of Kropotkin's contributions to anarchist theory. Kropotkin posits, like Marxists, that the concentration of wealth which is the basis of a capitalist economy is the root cause of poverty. Unlike the Marxists, however, Kropotkin does not suggest a centralized state as the solution to workers' exploitation. His solution is autonomous collectives in which produce what they can and barter for what they need and want. In essence, Kropotkin is suggesting an anarchist market economy.

This market is not profit driven, as it would be in a capitalist market, having no regard for the basic needs of the individual. Kropotkin believed, instead, that the productive system is efficient enough to produce not only the needs of the population, but also enough of the luxuries that make life pleasant. What prevents the general enjoyment of these goods is not lack of production or inability to distribute them, but the determination of production by profit motives rather than social consumption motives.

Kropotkin's divides his book thematically, looking at basic human needs and wants. He examines why despite the ability to produce enough for everyone, people live in want. He looks at the need for luxury and sees it as an understandable and necessary part of being human. And despite being written over 100 years ago, his analysis is still fresh and relevant. The same problems that limit the lives of the working class in 2008 limited them in 1905. The difference is in scale and scope.

Charles Weigl's Introduction is well-researched and gives important insight into Kropotkin's life and context for his work. For someone unfamiliar with Kropotkin, it will prove invaluable. Weigle takes the reader through the ideas and critiques of Kropotkin without the pedantic idealizing of many who write about the people they admire.

The Conquest of Bread is an important contribution to anarchist economics and anarchist theory in general. This edition by AK Press is well presented and of high quality. I highly recommend it.

Editorial Review:

The Conquest of Bread is Peter Kropotkin's most detailed description of the ideal society, embodying anarchist communism, and of the social revolution that was to achieve it - a study of the needs of humanity, and of the economic means to satisfy them.

The poverty of philosophy

Karl Marx

The poverty of philosophy Karl Marx By: Foreign Languages Pub. House
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Total reviews: 2 Average rating: 4.5 of 5

marx is mind expanding 5 out of 5 stars.
5 of 20 people found this review helpful.

Marxs book here shows you how the distribution of wealth yes why some now 060601, have 145,000,000 in net worth at top of company and a worker in company has 43,000 dollars, is a human political construction. Nothing that exists is law of physics unalterable reality. He shows how this distribution is stupid, and how a more equal distribution and democratic economy can do much better than now. He says this in angery word webs. It is a fun book that get sone thinking. You will have intellectual, fun, a rare form of fun these days.

Most people are sure to disagree. 4 out of 5 stars.
5 of 12 people found this review helpful.

This book is of historical interest. Karl Marx obtained his doctorate in philosophy in 1841, based on a thesis on post-Aristotelian Greek philosophy. He became a newspaper editor in 1842, until the government closed the publication. Marx moved to Paris, and wrote THE POVERTY OF PHILOSOPHY in 1847. (p. 5). Most Americans believe that the American revolution was fought to establish principles of equality. As equals of anyone, we certainly don't think of ourselves as having fought the American revolution against our own government. Marx and Engels created the COMMUNIST MANIFESTO in 1847, a mere 14 years before the American Civil War, when it seemed like Americans on both sides were being blamed for fighting against a Union or the rights of states, and the Americans who were on the same side as General Sherman had the clearest picture of their military policy (war is hell).

THE POVERTY OF PHILOSOPHY was written just before Marx might have been considered the founder of a settled doctrine, but it is full of signs that Marx saw how necessary it was that those who would rule should think like a government, or like a burning bush, and more honest than the law could ever be. Most of the observations in this book are based upon economic considerations. In pure economics, the almighty dollar would be the standard for determining matters of exchange, but this book is in search of a basis for political economics. In opposition to the political economics of Proudhon, which was based on the idea of equality, Marx wrote:

Hypotheses are only made in view of some end. The end proposed to itself in the first place by the social genius which speaks by the mouth of M. Proudhon, was the elimination of that which was evil in each economic category, in order to have only the good. For him good, the supreme good, the true practical end, is equality. And why does the social genius propose equality rather than inequality, fraternity, Catholicism, or any other principle? Because "humanity has realized successively so many particular hypotheses only in view of a superior hypothesis," which is precisely equality. In other words: because equality is the ideal of M. Proudhon. He imagines that the division of labor, credit, the workshop, that all the economic relations have been invented only for the benefit of equality, and nevertheless they have always finished by turning against her. From the fact that the history and the fiction of M. Proudhon contradict each other at every step, he concludes that there is a contradiction. If there is a contradiction it exists only between his fixed idea and the real movement.

Henceforth the good side of an economic relation is that which affirms equality, the bad side is that which denies it and affirms inequality. Every new category is a hypothesis of the social genius to eliminate the inequality engendered by the preceding hypothesis. To sum up, equality is the primitive intention, the mystic tendency, the providential end, that the social genius has before its eyes in turning round and round in the circle of economic contradictions. Providence is also the locomotive which conveys all the economic baggage of M. Proudhon better than his pure and heedless reason. (p. 129)

In the time of Marx, the struggle between the bourgeoisie and proletariat classes was political, but the almighty dollar has managed to produce a politics which is fundamentally only for those of standing, who have "conflicting, antagonistic interests, inasmuch as they find themselves opposed by each other. This opposition of interests flows from the economic conditions of their bourgeois life." (pp. 133-4). According to Marx, any attempt by a humanitarian school of economics was doomed to have a theory which was actually based "upon interminable distinctions between theory and practice, between principles and results, between the idea and the application, between the content and the form, between the essence and the reality, between right and fact, between the good and evil side." (p. 135) Marx proposes an ability to see beyond this, imagining the power of "the revolutionary subversive side which will overturn the old society." (p. 137). Even without communism, the papers are full of the efforts of the doomed to try this stunt, and of the government to stop them. General Sherman was as American as any economist.

Editorial Review:

This Elibron Classics edition is a facsimile reprint of a 1920 edition by Charles H. Kerr & Company, Chicago.

Prison Memoirs of an Anarchist (New York Review Books Classics)

Alexander Berkman

Prison Memoirs of an Anarchist (New York Review Books Classics) Alexander Berkman Amazon Price: $15.61
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Total reviews: 7 Average rating: 5.0 of 5

Beyond Terrorism 5 out of 5 stars.
23 of 26 people found this review helpful.

In 1892, Alexander Berkman burst into the office of Henry Frick, an overseer at Carnegie's steelworks, and attempted to gun him down to foment a revolutionary uprising. Frick survived. Berkman went to jail. Prison Memoirs of an Anarchist is Berkman's account, not only of the revolutionary ardor which drove him to assault Frick, but also of the horrors of incarceration and the transformation of his own thinking while behind bars.

We get plenty of revolutionary and anarchist theory from Berkman. He opens a door into the thoughts and feelings of people struggling for economic and social justice 100 years ago. More than that, he opens a door into the mindset of a fanatic, one which may help us understand the motivations of those who flew their planes into the World Trade Center and the Pentagon on 9/11/2001:

"Could anything be nobler than to die for a grand, a sublime Cause? Why, the very life of a true revolutionist has no other purpose, no significance whatever, save to sacrifice it on the altar of the beloved People." (p. 12)

"My own individuality is entirely in the background; aye, I am not conscious of any personality in matters pertaining to the Cause. I am simply a revolutionist; a terrorist by conviction, an instrument for furthering the cause of humanity." (p. 13)

"True, the Cause often calls upon the revolutionist to commit an unpleasant act; but it is the test of a true revolutionist-nay, more, his pride-to sacrifice all merely human feeling at the call of the People's Cause." (p. 12)

Berkman, the purist, disdains his fellow prisoners. He sees himself as better than they are, a Servant of Humanity, not a petty criminal, a predator on the poor. But, life in prison, although it does not shake his revolutionary and anarchist convictions, does bring him down from his ivory tower. Berkman begins to see that:

"The individual, in certain cases, is of more direct and immediate consequence than humanity. What is the latter but the aggregate of individual existences-and shall these, the best of them, forever be sacrificed for the metaphysical collectivity?" (p. 403)

His revolutionary understanding also shifts. He begins to differentiate between the autocratic despotism of Europe and the despotism of republican institutions:

"The despotism of republican institutions is far deeper, more insidious, because it rests on the popular delusion of self-government and independence. That is the subtle source of democratic tyranny, and, as such, it cannot be reached with a bullet. In modern capitalism, exploitation rather than oppression is the real enemy of the people ... the battle is to be waged in the economic rather than the political field." (p. 424)

This is not, however, a political manifesto (for that, one can read Berkman's ABCs of Anarchism). Berkman reveals his inner processes during fourteen years of incarceration. We discover, not only the horrors and corruption of the prison system, but also wander intimately through Berkman's mind. We visit his childhood, soften at unexpected gentlenesses behind bars, and begin to appreciate something as simple as the sunrise.

Although Berkman did not write the memoir until after he left prison, it has a sense of surreal immediacy. He wrote in the present tense, but that alone does not account for the way his text grips, and drags the reader into the maelstrom of his experience. We run with him through childhood memories, daily brutality, fantasies of escape and suicide, and the ideals that keep him sane. His longing for Emma Goldman shines through the text. He enthrones her almost as the guardian of his sanity through the years. Little can compare with the poignancy of his fantasy of mailing himself to his beloved Emma, escaping prison and finding himself with her again. (p. 135-137)

Five stars. Absolutely brilliant work, as relevant today as it was nearly 100 years ago. In her autobiography, Living my Life, Emma Goldman recounted how Berkman saved his sanity and his life by writing this memoir. The deep introspection, the flights of fancy, the accounting of prison life-all deeply illumine the best and the worst of human nature. This book is required reading for anybody who wishes to understand the fanatical, terrorist mindset, for Berkman describes that aptly. Far more importantly, he shares the experience of survival and transformation. He, who entered prison a fanatic, left those iron gates more committed than ever to his cause, but no longer a fanatic. His story tells of graduating from terrorist to humanist, from monomaniacal fanatic to a deeply committed human being. If you read nothing else this year, read this book.

(If you'd like to dialogue with me about this book or review, please click the "about me" link above and drop me an email. Thanks!)

Editorial Review:

In 1892, Alexander Berkman, Russian émigré, anarchist, and lover of Emma Goldman, attempted to assassinate industrialist Henry Clay Frick. The act was intended both as retribution for the massacre of workers in the Homestead strike and as an incitement to revolution. Captured and sentenced to serve a prison term of twenty-two years, Berkman struggled to make sense of the shadowy and brutalized world of the prison—one that hardly conformed to revolutionary expectation.

Utopia Unarmed: The Latin American Left After the Cold War

Jorge Castaneda

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Total reviews: 3 Average rating: 3.5 of 5

Historiography of left movements and progressive program 4 out of 5 stars.
5 of 7 people found this review helpful.

This book was originaly written in 1992. An introduction added to account for important developments in 1994 that seem to contradict the main thesis. The book itself has 2 parts arifitially glued together. The first chapters present an excellent historiography of the last 60 years of left movements in Latin America. Parallels, connections and similarities are drawn between different groups in different times and places. All this is very informative, given the numerous references for further reading. One of the main arguments is that armed movements did not succeed in changing the politics of the region (except for a very small number of cases), that the transition to social-democracy activism is much more effective and that all of the democratically elected leftist governments failed to implement workable alternatives. The events in southern Mexico during January 94 contradict the general trend, hence the need for the new introduction. The last part of the book is programatic. Castaneda presents _the_ solution to the problems that plague the continent in the form of "recommendations" for the left (since the right will never do that). The program includes democratization, socially oriented government policies, regulated free-market, etc. As a whole the program is well presented and congruent. However, the apparent intent is to show how these policies are the only alternative based on the experience drawn from the first part of the book. On the last point I find the book lacking. The connection between the different historic cases and trens and the program for the future is not clear enough. Also, some internal contradictions are pointed out but not resolved (as to how the left will be elected with a corrupt polling process, etc)

Editorial Review:

An eloquent Latin American political scientist offers an incisive, brilliantly informed look at the legacies of Castro, Allende, the Sandinistas, and others--and explainsraordinary. . . . Attempts to do nothing less than restore direction to the Latin American left."--Los Angeles Times Book Review.

An Introduction to Marxist Economic Theory

Ernest Mandel

An Introduction to Marxist Economic Theory Ernest Mandel By: Merit Publishers
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Total reviews: 4 Average rating: 5.0 of 5

A Modern Classic 4 out of 5 stars.
15 of 18 people found this review helpful.

This is probably the world's most read primer in orthodox Marxist economic theory - and deservedly so. It flawlessly covers all 'the basics': the theory of value and surplus value (ch.1); capital and capitalism [historical bacground, and basic dynamics] (ch.2); and neo-capitalism [role of the state & war] (ch.3). It does all this in tight, non-technical style. For this reason it is THE starting point for the uninitiated. It is important to note, however, that it cannot be more than it's title suggests: an introduction. It does not deal with the criticisms of Marx's theory of value in any depth. Also, it reveals not only its age, and how times have changed by what is emphasises AND what it ignores. In the case of what it emphasises: much is made of the importance of the cold war as a necessary phenomenon. In the case of what it ignores: it understandably says nothing of post-Fordism, ecological concerns, or the emergence of non-socialist oppositional 'social movements' (such as feminism, environmentalism and multiculturalism). These criticisms are hardly relevant to a book such as this: its central goal is to outline the essential message in Marx's 'Das Kapital', and to show (in ch.3) how this message can be applied (with some inevitable modification) to explain (then) current politico-economic events.

Editorial Review:

A concise presentation of the basic principles of political economy.

Also available in: Spanish

In My Mother's House

Kim Chernin

In My Mother's House Kim Chernin List Price: $14.95
By: Ticknor & Fields
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Total reviews: 4 Average rating: 4.0 of 5

Mother and daughter revisit their struggles with communism 4 out of 5 stars.
10 of 10 people found this review helpful.

A compelling true story about an altruistic woman's growth as a charismatic communist organizer and the challenges/sacrifices she and her family face as a result of her ideals and activism. Starts with the mother's version of her life, including the exhilarating but few years spent in the Soviet Union shortly after the revolution, and ends with daughter's darker experience in Soviet Union and her struggle to accept her mother while rejecting her ideology.

"In My Mother's House" provides an eye-opening look at a period of history when ordinary people felt like they truly could change the world. Many may find the stark black and white view of communist activity in America they were taught in school no longer rings true.

When the mother and daughter describe their own activities, the reading is effortless. However, when Chernin diverges to comment upon the actual process of storytelling, the reader can become annoyed and bogged down by Chernin's excessive self-absorbed emoting. However, this is a tiny part of the book and can be easily skimmed over.

Rose's story is very inspirational. Many will be motivated to look at their own lives and activities and ponder how they can be of more service. Rose Chernin was a tiny woman, but fueled by her strong dedication to justice and fairness, she was able to inspire other idealistic people to change discriminatory laws and create numerous needed community organizations, such as daycare for working women.

This is a book about idealism, finding a purpose in life, mothers and daughers, feminism, communism, unions, American history, and much more. A good read for active minds.

Editorial Review:

The triumphant story of Rose Chernin, Russian immigrant and Old Left activist, is narrated by her daughter in this riveting memoir of conflict and reconciliation between generations.

Dance of the Dialectic: STEPS IN MARX'S METHOD

Bertell Ollman

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Editorial Review:

Bertell Ollman has been hailed as 'this country's leading authority on dialectics and Marx's method' by Paul Sweezy, the editor of "Monthly Review" and dean of America's Marx scholars. In this book, Ollman offers a thorough analysis of Marx's use of dialectical method. Marx made extremely creative use of dialectical method to analyze the origins, operation, and direction of capitalism. Unfortunately, his promised book on method was never written, so that readers wishing to understand and evaluate Marx's theories, or to revise or use them, have had to proceed without a clear grasp of the dialectic in which the theories are framed. The result has been more disagreement over 'what Marx really meant' than over the writings of any other major thinker.In putting Marx's philosophy of internal relations and his use of the process of abstraction - two little-studied aspects of dialectics - at the center of this account, Ollman provides a version of Marx's method that is at once systematic, scholarly, clear and eminently useful. Ollman not only sheds important new light on what Marx really meant in his varied theoretical pronouncements, but in carefully laying out the steps in Marx's method makes it possible for a reader to put the dialectic to work in his or her own research. He also convincingly argues the case for why social scientists and humanists as well as philosophers should want to do so.

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